Mnangagwa’s ‘2nd Republic’ and the pursuance of neoliberal economics

Blessing Vava

Zimbabwe's Vice President General Chiwenga

The confirmation of Emmerson Mnangagwa by Zimbabwe’s highest court as president sealed the dispute on Zimbabwe’s future leader to carry the hopes of a nation yearning for a new trajectory. The disputed election resulted in the MDC Alliance leader Nelson Chamisa filing a constitutional court application challenging the credibility of the election results.  The case was unanimously dismissed by the court with costs, raising questions on the independence of the judiciary. Perhaps, this case was the first real test of the Zimbabwean constitution which was ushered in 2013 by the inclusive government and the judgment thereof was a litmus test to ascertain if such organs of the state are free from manipulation. As many Zimbabweans were eagerly waiting for the outcome, the writing was already on the wall on the outcome of that case, with ZANU PF going ahead with preparations for the swearing-in of Mnangagwa and Chiwenga indicating that nothing was going to change despite any outcome at the constitutional court.

 With a defective 'new' constitution, Zimbabwe finds itself in a quandary with some pieces of legislation not working in sync with the constitution. Suffice to say, the courts have never been that space to meet justice especially on such delicate political matters in Zimbabwe. Countless election court challenges since 2000 have not yielded favourable outcomes that are against the electoral commission nor the incumbent. As if not enough, the constitutional court passed a strange judgment that declared the coup legal. While many rejoiced and embraced the coup, they forgot that the problem with Zimbabwe was the system of governance used by Mugabe to be in power for 37 years. Therefore, the coup was just a sideshow used to create a veil of a ‘new dispensation’.

To the contrary the just ended elections have sufficiently proved otherwise. I will try to break it down to argue that Zimbabwe was never ready for an election before, firstly there was a need to 'cure' the coup and to undertake the necessary political reforms that inhibited the conduct of any credible electoral process. From the onset, it looked quite impossible for a country which had experienced a military coup to deliver a fair and credible election just after six months. It was just impossible. The games of play had not changed, the results we eventually got were expected. Secondly, it was impossible to have a credible election when the drivers of that coup were the ones now running the government, determining the terms of participation.  Thirdly, it was way too early for the country to go into an election with the military heavily embedded in civilian politics, state institutions and supposedly independent institutions like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. The military involvement in civilian politics has had a bearing on the outcome of the elections. Therefore, with this 'outcome' it will prove difficult to dislodge the 'military' government with elections only. 

Zimbabwe’s military –a new economic class

The military coup left a bad precedent on our politics and thus the elections became a poisoned chalice.  Whilst I argued in November 2017 that the events of the 17th had nothing to do with ‘restoring’ Zimbabwe into a democracy my fears have been proven that it was nothing but a rearrangement of chairs in the ZANU PF top table, with a 'military class project' which has now taken over the party-state apparatus for its own distinct interests. From their involvement in the DRC war in 1997, the military elites have been pursuing self enriching interests.  A report from the United Nations highlights how military elites enriched themselves from the vast mineral assets of the DRC, the exploitation of diamonds in Marange by military elites buttresses this point.

The military elites are now firmly in charge of ZANU PF and the state and this might signal the end of civilian politics in Zimbabwe.  Thus, the three events that followed the coup, namely the march and the elections and the constitutional court ruling have legitimised a ‘democratic’ albeit a ‘military’ victory.  The deployment of soldiers to quell protests in Harare is a clear sign that we are in a military state. After the shooting it was business as usual and the dust is almost settling. Thereafter, we are likely going to see more repression and the closing of democratic space under the ‘new dispensation.’

Mnangagwa,  instituting a commission of inquiry to look into the 1 August shootings is just a public relations exercise for Zimbabwe’s re-engagement efforts with the West. The interview by British Prime Minister Theresa May is a confirmation of ED’s overtures to ‘please’ the west. With that 'semblance' of legitimacy from a flawed election and constitutional court ruling, the military elites are essentially in control of the state in pursuance of their own distinct business interests.     Reading through the ZANU PF manifesto and Zimbabwe is open for business mantra is clear testimony that it is indeed full scale neo-liberal economics for the thriving of monopoly business ’at the expense of real socio-economic trajectory anchored around social democracy. What we are going to witness in the few coming months/years is primitive accumulation of capital, an increase in the national debt, asset stripping and  privatization of key public institutions, and all this sums up Mnangagwa’s Zimbabwe is open for Business mantra.  

ZANU PF reforming from the coup

The military elites occupying strategic posts in government, namely Chiwenga, Vice President, and SB Moyo, Foreign Affairs, Perrence Shiri lands. et al their game plan now is to control (they are already) the economy at whatever expense for self-interests with little to do with the development of the country. With the West, cosying up to a stolen election and a cosmetic approach on how to deal with the 1 August killings signals more difficult times for the opposition and civil society. Now with the appointment of a ‘new’ cabinet many Zimbabweans, at least the active social media users have been suggesting that it’s a positive step for the country and that ED has struck the right chords. Others are hailing ED for what they are terming, the ‘neutralization’ of the military in civilian politics. They suggest that Chiwenga has been dealt a blow and that his power has now been diluted.  But the real essence to it is that ZANU PF is reforming out of the coup to stay in power with a civilian face but a military hold on the real political state apparatus. The new cabinet is another public relations stunt by Mnangagwa as he battles to win the hearts of both the international community and the locals. Those gullible enough will believe that power has shifted, the real wielders of power are the soldiers. 

 The revolutionary task for the opposition going forward

The revolutionary task for the opposition is to go back to the basics, go back to the people, and give proper pro people alternatives, not their same neoliberal free market suggestions as outlined in their SMART document. The neo-liberal policy discourse, as proposed by both ZANU PF and MDC’s SMART curtails the vision for a caring society based on human solidarity and dignity. I am still not convinced if the rallies are a strategic avenue in building a critical mass.  In that regard i posit that the opposition still  has a chance, the control local authorities in many cities should be their trump card in proving to the masses that they are capable of governing.

But, the question is how do the forces of democratic change broadly respond to the complex way in which the military and ZANU PF are rebuilding some kind of legitimacy? The MDC of two decades ago was powerful because it was anchored in the concrete socio-economic struggles and democratic aspirations of the excluded and marginalised. The question that the MDC must now answer is how do they develop a political program that goes back to build long term sustainable political engagement which translates into votes for the party and the leader.  Therefore, the party needs to lay out a very concrete political program.  #Godisinit is neither a political idea nor a political program, it excites a very limited but dangerously noisy thin strata. In the past, the inability of the MDC councillors and branches to provide leadership to communities struggles has dealt a blow for the party in its quest to mobilise the grassroots. Focus should be on community/ issue - based mobilization to respond to the needs of those communities as this will enable the movement to survive under difficult conditions. And that means that the party’s representatives in local government must equally desist from pushing for privatisation of basic services in their towns as this will do more harm than good for the communities.  

The party must address corruption amongst its ranks especially what we have witnessed in local authorities were the opposition was in control. In conclusion, the opportunity presented is that the party must maintain strong contact with and in the confidence of the masses and that the primary mission of the party is not to loot but to serve the masses.

Blessing Vava is based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

When a picture is worth a thousand words: Xi Jinping meets ‘Africa’

By Blessing Vava

A picture is worth a thousand words, is the phraseology popularised in 1927, by advertising executive Fred R. Barnard. He coined the phrase, to refer to the notion that a complex idea can be conveyed with just a single still image or that an image of a subject conveys its meaning or essence more effectively than a textual description does. This can be said to describe an image taken in Beijing, China where the Zambian government delegation led by President Edgar Lungu met with China’s Xi Jinping’s team.

Zambian delegation meets the Chinese

Unlike video or audio, a picture can convey different meanings and interpretations. In this instance, the image at hand, rather paints disturbing and worrisome connotations.  This is a picture that has conveyed a strong message, an unpleasant depiction of the Zambian head of state and his delegation and how Africans take a lackadaisical approach to important engagements. We are often not taken too seriously because of how we present ourselves. While some are quick to say, “Don’t judge a book by its cover,” at times it is the impression that matters, it is on the surface and not necessarily the detail that takes the day. Suffice to say that perception, is reality.

The trending image shows two delegations, a more serious and attentive Chinese team seemingly paying attention, with their pens and notebooks right in front of them presumably taking down notes on the important details of the deliberations, while on the other side the Zambian delegation, looking rather lost, confused, casually sitting with neither notebooks nor pens in front of them. It appears as if only the Chinese were taking the meeting serious thus the taking down of notes on the aspects of the discussions.

The image trended on social media, particularly on the microblogging site, Twitter attracting hordes of comments that were mainly mocking or making fun of the Zambian delegation.  Most of the comments indeed insinuating that the Zambians lacked ‘seriousness.’ No wonder why they are always getting bad deals.  In one such posts by Newsday journalist Nqaba Matshazi curiously tweeted: “How come the Zambian delegation don’t have anything in front of them, no notes, won’t take notes?

Matshazi’s views were shared by many of his followers on the microblog, who were apparently shocked that a whole government delegation can just sit and ‘get lost’ in all talk at such a meeting without any pen or paper in front of them. At times it is the body language, the impressions and actions one does in a boardroom that can give you an edge during negotiations. One social media user alluded that not taking notes can symbolise, to the team on the other side of the table does not prioritise documentation or systems and process. You just need to be attentive or at least pretend you are on top of the situation, not to appear lost in the Savanna Forests like the Zambian delegation.  Just by reading through the actions of the Zambian delegation, it is not surprising that the Chinese knew their counterparts were either not paying attention or were not prepared.

Ethiopian delegation meets the Chinese

Reacting to Matshazi’s tweet was a Twitter handle @HonMbele; ‘’we can tell how much bribe money to pay just by a single eye contact. No need for notes, we look u in the eye... Then we give you our bank account. Deal done.’’ For @HonMbele he insinuated that for the Zambian delegation, the details were not important but just getting the money.

Another interesting tweet had the following reaction; ‘’this is common in all African delegations. They have no time for details, all they want to hear is that their request for the billions has been approved period. For this reason we end up with loan agreements that enslave us for generations! Such comments cannot be dismissed but rather they show a general perception shared by many Africans on how African leadership delegations behave when they are out there negotiating for deals.

While the comments have been free ‘entertainment’, it is however, a worrying trend about the way and manner in which African leaders take such meetings for granted. With deals of aid and loans worth billions of dollars, it is not surprising that most African governments are assenting their signatures without much scrutiny of these agreements. Whilst we do not have much detail about what was actually transpiring at that gathering, we are only left to speculate that it was just one of those casual briefing meetings with no serious stuff being discussed. Maybe or maybe not?

South African delegation meets the Chinese

It could be that they were taking note (at least in their heads) of every detail that was being discussed. Over the years, there have been concerns about the deals African leaders are entering into, particularly with the Chinese. Citizens from across the African continent have been sceptical about Chinese deals and that most African leaders just append their signatures without paying much attention to the details.

For most African leaders, these trips are shopping safaris and nothing else. It is about the periderms they get and the impatience to go and shop. This is why they won't write or take notes. They have no love for the nation. It is just about them getting new trinkets and toys which they can boast about once back home.

There is no proper planning for engagement, it is just about begging and most of them would have even gone without business leaders.

In fact, more images emerging from Beijing are showing that it’s an African trend. The events in Beijing speaks to different work cultures.

As the FOCAC meeting is currently underway, it is always the case that we seem not prepared with no solid policy on paper on how to engage China, at African Union level, SADC, ECOWAS not even at a country level. It won’t be surprising that for most of these countries they do not have any national development plan or vision to guide them.

 It all seems that we are always throwing ourselves into the lion’s jaws with impunity. 

In conclusion, Africa will do well with a polished league of young leaders that are ready to confront the world through a serious show of leadership. The Zambian delegation, though an epitome of the current crop of leaders, leaves a lot to be desired and an egg on the continent’s assertiveness in defining her future and beyond.  Africa deserves better!

Blessing Vava is a researcher on China Africa relations. He is based at the University of Johannesburg. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com, Twitter: @blevava

Women’s political participation not an act of charity

By Blessing Vava  

File picture: Is engaging Kenyan women in security affairs the key to creating better policies? Photo: Maria Salamanca/Flickr

•  

The late Mozambican President Samora Machel once said: “The liberation of women is not an act of charity but a fundamental precondition for the success of our revolution.” These words remain relevant as we reflect on the status of women’s participation in the sphere of politics and decision-making processes on the continent. Early this week, South African opposition politician Julius Malema bemoaned the lack of representation of the youth in the Pan African Parliament. Malema’s call comes against a backdrop of low participation in the representation of women and the youth in political processes.

Statistical figures show that more than half of the world’s population is female, but worldwide only 21 percent of national parliamentarians are women. Globally, according to UN Women, there are only eight countries – Bosnia Herzegovina, Brunei, Hungary, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Slovakia, Tonga and Vanuatu – that have no women in their governments. UN Women also noted that in Africa, strides have been made in South Africa, Cape Verde and Rwanda – where women account for more than 30% of ministers in the Cabinet.

The composition of legislative bodies can have a serious effect on the quality of laws passed.

Though it is significant, it still remains a small figure as far as the realisation of gender equality is concerned. It can be argued that the composition of legislative bodies can have a serious effect on the quality of laws passed where pushing the interests of women is concerned.

Women’s Rights. Photo: Africa Speaks For africa Women’s Rights

The participation of women in political decision-making positions was recognised as a political right after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948. UDHR Articles 2 and 21 stipulate the equal enjoyment of political rights without discrimination on the basis of one’s sex or any other ground.

Hence, the strengthening of women’s participation in all spheres of life has become a major issue in the development discourse, and socioeconomic development cannot be fully achieved without the active involvement of women at the decision-making level in all society.

The strengthening of women’s participation in all spheres of life has become a major issue in the development discourse.

What are the obstacles that hinder the political participation of women, especially in Africa?

In my own observation, the first obstacle has mainly to do with traditional and cultural beliefs that entrench a patriarchal view. This view is based on the idea of male supremacy and goes against women as leaders and decision makers. While there has been active participation of women in other spheres, motherhood and marriage have been viewed as the most important goals in a woman’s life. The other myth portrays politics as “a man’s game” and that women are “too emotional” to deal with affairs of the state. In this regard, there is a need to change societal attitudes but, ultimately, the need is for social and family support for women to overcome such barriers. 

The second obstacle is the nature of the political operating environment, which is riddled with violence and intimidation. This has been a major barrier for women’s participation. The political environment has to be friendlier and less corrupt for female participation to become established.

Thirdly, there is an economic aspect to the blockage of women’s political participation. The lack of financial resources has been a hindrance to participation, especially when it comes to electoral campaigns. Women need financial support to overcome the barriers to political participation.

File picture: Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa attends Winnie Madikizela-Mandela 80th birthday, 14 Sep 2016

Mama Winnie Madikizela Mandela with Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa and EFF leader Julius Malema share a light moment at the 80th birthday celebrations of Winnie Madikizela Mandela held at Mount Nelson Hotel in Cape Town. (Photo: GCIS)/Flickr

Above all, there needs to be a long-term strategy that focuses on training and development, with the aim of building women’s confidence to take on leadership roles and inculcating a culture of female leadership, beginning at grassroots level. We have to start with local laws, whose vague provisions on gender need to be revised. This is especially true of governments that are signatories to international conventions and the standards they set, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. This also includes regional instruments for gender equality like the African Charter on Human and People Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

We must also increase the participation rates for women because it has a snowball effect – it encourages other women to participate in political processes. This helps do away with harmful stereotyping and assumptions that impede women’s ability to play a central role in public life.

Are quota systems the way?

Progress has been made in increasing female political participation by way of quota systems, especially at parliamentary system and political party level, in countries like Zimbabwe and South Africa. The Zimbabwean constitution stipulates a quota of 60 seats for women to be deployed to parliament by their parties. This is a progressive move, but it has its drawbacks – the system is open to abuse and lacks transparency, especially for women who are less likely to have strong political networks. Having said that, any process that promotes and guarantees women’s decision-making within political parties will ultimately increase their public voice.

It is important that the political participation of women be based on equality and merit. Women should represent the communities they belong to by means of election, appointment and merit. It is important that the inclusion and involvement of women is both quantitative and qualitative. The recognition and inclusion of women in governance and decision-making structures should reflect the collaborative inputs of all members of the community, without discrimination.

Increased participation by women has been proven to result in a bigger economic benefit for all. It is therefore important to raise women’s engagement in politics by raising their awareness of the opportunities available to them and building confidence and skills. Ultimately, this will be to the benefit of all members of society.

Read the original article on:This is Africa. Rights reserved

Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge, Zimbabwe

Africa Day: The Africa we want

By Blessing Vava

On 25 May, Africa we celebrate Africa Day. On this day in 1963, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with 32 signatory governments, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed. The OAU disbanded on 9 July 2002 to be replaced by the African Union (AU). At its formation, the founding fathers saw the end of colonialism and white minority rule and the start of co-operation among African states in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa. Among other aims, the AU also sought to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of African states. It united Africa and gave it a voice for charting the way forward in the geopolitical arena, which had been dominated by the imperial forces and colonisers that pillaged Africa’s resources over a long period of time.

While self-determination, self-rule and political freedom were celebrated after the fall of colonialism, what became of the emancipation project, particularly economic freedom? How does the AU position itself to be a critical player in the global arena, rather than being subservient and a receiver of aid from the West and China? It is of critical importance that we take stock of the fate of the historic African revolution, the one that fought against imperialism and colonisation and for the ideals of a pan-African continent that spoke with one voice. What became of it? What is the fate of the liberation movements – are they still viable projects for achieving the total African emancipation? Liberation movements across the spectrum have experienced considerable difficulty in making the transition from struggle to government, and they have mostly failed at the last hurdle of the struggle – that of economic freedom. Fanon critiqued how the liberation leaders, after independence, will happily cosy up to accept crumbs from the former colonial power. He argued that national liberation would remain an empty shell if it failed to transform politically and economically. This should serve as a reminder to African leaders.

Africa: a divided continent

Africa today resembles the past: The continent is still divided along regional borders and tribal and ethnic boundaries – creations of the colonial rulers. The sad part is how the colonial masters are pursuing a neo-colonial agenda to further their hegemonic control of its former colonies. Recently, in a presentation at the African Leadership Series, Professor Otieno Lumumba lamented that it was only Africa that was still being referred to by colonial labels based on the identity of the coloniser. Lumumba highlighted terms such as ‘Anglophone’, ‘Francophone’ and ‘Lusophone’ to mean that we (Africa) are still a sphere of our erstwhile colonisers.

Africa today resembles the past: The continent is still divided along regional borders and tribal and ethnic boundaries – creations of the colonial rulers.

We still have bodies such as the Commonwealth, which, some critics argue, is a colonial relic, a neo-imperial conspiracy and nothing but a collection of every important state brought together by accident of having been colonised by Britain’. Is it not the same colonial power – Britain – that for centuries has pillaged our resources, colonising and enslaving Africans? It took an armed struggle against British settlers to end decades of colonial rule. Prof Lumumba argues that the 53 nations in the Commonwealth are not equal. Africa must never forget the ills perpetrated by Britain, which, until today, have not even issued an apology for the damage they caused in Africa. 

Lumumba salutes the photographers as he leaves the Idlewild airport 02 August 1960, to go to his hotel in New York. Leader of the Congolese national movement, he became the first Prime Minister (1960) of the new state Democratic Republic of the Congo, former Belgian Congo, renamed Zaïre in 1971. Photo: ANP

As we celebrate Africa Day 2018, we take note of the change of leaders in many countries on the continent: Zimbabwe, Angola, South Africa, Botswana, Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Mozambique and Namibia have new leaders, some of whom are fairly young and were not part of the liberation group, but also some who do belong to that class. The question that confronts us today is this: What does this new layer of leadership on the continent mean for the African revolution?

The new leadership has a task ahead of it: They should clearly outline were they are taking the iconic project of African emancipation started by our founding fathers. The emancipation project means total economic independence for Africa.

Even with this change of leadership, what is the qualitative direction of the African revolution in the context of what Fanon said would be the limits of the nationalist movements? And is quantitative change related to qualitative change? South Africa’s Julius Malema made a good point when he critiqued the age of leaders at the Pan-African Parliament, decrying it for being made up of the older generation. “The majority of African parliaments are constituted by [people of advanced age]. It is unacceptable. They make plans, calling them Vision 2030, knowing very well they will not even be here. We need the young ones who know that if they fail to implement their plan, they can still be held to account in 2030,” Malema said.

File picture. Julius Malema, leader of the opposition party Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), addresses supporters at the launch of the party’s local election manifesto in Soweto, near Johannesburg, South Africa, 30 April 2016 Photo: ANP/EPA Cornell Tukiri

The post-liberation Pan-Africa project equally failed to transform itself and pass the baton on to the younger generation.

Suffice to say that while the liberation Pan-African project secured political freedom, the post-liberation Pan-African project must shift to economic freedom in our lifetime. This narrative has been aptly captured and pursued by the youth in South Africa, particularly the EFF. Equally, if that is the case (economic freedom), does that answer adequately the national democratic revolution agenda? Also, how does the non-Sankara, non-Machel, non-Nkrumah non-Nyerere or non-Chitepo generation answer the challenges of the day within the context of the Pan-African revolution project ignited by the liberation process?

The task of this generation is to follow the logical process of the Pan-African project and take it into the next phase were self-rule and economic independence will be at the centre of our vision for the continent.

The original article is  on This is Africa. Rights reserved

Blessing Vava writes from Chipinge, Zimbabwe. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

Mnangagwa’s visit to China: the 'easy' way of doing business

By Blessing Vava

Zimbabwe’s president Emmerson Mnangagwa is currently in China on his first visit outside Africa. Mnangagwa’s visit comes at a time when his government has embarked on a campaign ‘Zimbabwe is Open for Business’ in an effort to attract foreign investment and business opportunities. While the president has been featuring on big international business platforms such as Davos, the visit to China is significant in that it is based on historical bilateral engagements between the two countries that stem back from the liberation struggle. The liberation movement got assistance from China, with military equipment and the training of guerrillas. In this article, I will explain the significance of the visit, the existing bi-lateral relationship between Zimbabwe and China and the implications on democracy and governance in Zimbabwe, especially as the nation, prepares for the harmonised elections to be held in July.

Firstly, the visit in itself is the first official state visit by Mnangagwa outside of Africa signalling the Zimbabwe's new foreign policy thrust. Though the Mnangagwa administration seems to be enjoying massive support from Britain and other European countries like Russia, China still emerges as the main ally of Harare and thus this visit confirms so. The visit comes against the background of a soft military coup that toppled Mugabe. The military intervention happened a day after the arrival from China of the then army commander Constantino Chiwenga. Chiwenga had travelled at the invitation of the Chinese military. China’s invisible hand in as far as the military action was concerned cannot be ruled out, though Beijing denied its involvement. The relations between Harare and Beijing had soured because of Beijing’s concerns about loan repayments.

It was also said then that during Mnangagwa’s visit to China in 2015, China had raised fears about “Mugabe’s age, Zanu PF leadership renewal, Zimbabwe’s investment climate and ease of doing business, the country’s relations with Western countries, government’s failure to tackle corruption and bureaucratic red tape, among other thorny issues.  The Chinese also said they were worried about Zimbabwe’s high political, economic and country risks, as well as poor credit rating.’’ The Zimbabwean Independent quoting an unnamed diplomatic official. The same story also quoted Wang Jiarui, Minister of International Departments, who is said to have told Mnangagwa that Mugabe’s age was contributing to the Chinese’s lack of confidence in investing in the country as it now part of political risk and that they felt he needs to rest and hand over power to someone from a younger generation with the energy and fresh ideas to tackle the country’s economic challenges.

Secondly, it’s now apparent that the visit is a begging mission meant to get credit lines or ‘assistance’ from China as indicated by the state media. What we have to be open about is the intricate details concerning the so-called assistance that is coming from China and for long the deals and the nature of the relationship has been shrouded in mystery and secrecy, thereby casting aspersions that African countries might be giving more than what they are getting. However, there is no distinction of whether it’s a loan or donation. As a matter of fact, the assistance in itself is no free lunch as it is being portrayed. There are implications to it and as we have learnt in other countries how China has taken advantage of the vulnerability of poor countries that have been desperate for assistance, the Sri Lanka debt trap being a typical example. While Mnangagwa has adopted a free market, and winner take all approach as an economic policy framework to investments it is no longer a secret that we are witnessing a ‘partitioning’ of Zimbabwe’s natural resources under the 'Zimbabwe is open for business ' banner.

But is it really open for business or it is just open for exploitation from China?

 Many African countries’ vulnerability has made them negotiate very bad deals in exchange for cheap infrastructure and loans which subsequently trap them in debt. Zimbabwe had by February 2016, not shown commitment in paying at least US$50 million as a payment plan to clear its debts estimated at US$1, 5 billion.

 The Zimbabwean government, just like many other African countries need to negotiate on their own terms, identify priorities, and leverage opportunities to further the country’s interests. The efficacy of the Mnangagwa’s Zimbabwe is open for business path is hinged on the begging bowl and mortgaging strategy. Fundamentally, a diagnosis of Zimbabwe-China engagements is critical to unpack the latest developments; 1) Is the Mnangagwa’s approach new and will it bring the desired development? 2) What is the difference from the so-called mega-deals signed under the Mugabe leadership, is it a continuation or are they new deals? 3) How transparent have been these deals and 4) How are/have they changing (ed) the structure of the Zimbabwean economy, i.e. job creation, ending rural poverty especially in the exploited mining communities by Chinese companies who have been syphoning millions of dollars from their mineral operations? 

In reference to the Chinese mining companies in Chiadzwa, Mugabe lashed out at the Chinese following reports of massive leakages and smuggling of the gems out of the country and failure to develop communities affected by mining activities.

Coup mastermind Chiwenga in China a few days before ousting Mugabe

 Conversely, if we were to do the calculations on the worth of these ‘mega deals’ signed so far it won’t be shocking that the total figure is alarming. And in that scenario, Zimbabwe’s economic woes and cash shortages would have disappeared ever since we started signing these mega deals. Therefore, they can be no doubt that some of the figures being reported in the state media are deliberately inflated to create some sort of expectation and hope especially that elections are around the corner. A brief synopsis on some of the mega deals can buttress the point I am trying to put across. Are they real deals or begging bowls? In August 2014 president Mugabe signed nine mega deals which the Herald newspaper reported as “economic enablers in critical sectors that include energy, roads, national railway network, telecommunications, agriculture and tourism as part of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation.’’ The mega deals were supposed to come with a $4 billion aid and investment package of these projects and that also includes a loan amounting to over US$1,1 billion for the expansion of Hwange Power Station and TelOne’s broadband access project. What happened to these nine deals?  In 2012 the government announced that China Railway would invest $1.2 billion to develop a high-speed train route between Harare and Bulawayo. In 2016 the Sunday Mail also claimed that China will provide US$6 billion for national housing delivery and agriculture programmes. Up until today, Zimbabweans are still to realise the implementation or benefits of these deals.

Consequently, we should unpack the latest $500 million mega deals signed by a little known Zimbabwean companies Platinum Agriculture and Princewood Enterprises. A quick google search results on the companies will only give stories from the said deal and interestingly a court case between the companies and a company called Potato Seed Production, raising questions about the credibility of the company and its capacity to deliver. The companies have neither a website nor any other google search hits apart from the $500 million deal reported in the state media. The whole thing seems dodgy typical of Chivhayo’s ‘briefcase’ company Intratek. Do they have the capacity to handle and execute such a big deal? Zimbabwe needs answers. Who is really behind these firms?

Thirdly, that Mnangagwa’s visit is coming a few months before the harmonised elections is also quite significant in terms of understanding China’s role in political and electoral processes in Zimbabwe and it goes against the long-held notion of non-interference approach by China. It is no longer a hands-off policy by China, but it is interested, example being its involvement in Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe’s 2013 elections, and the invisible hand of the Chinese in the Zimbabwe coup.  Already there are controversies with regards to China’s involvement in internal politics in African countries, with Sierra Leone being the latest example where the Chinese were seen wearing party regalia campaigning alongside the All Peoples Congress raising the issue of direct partisan involvement by China in Sierra Leone’s political process. Importantly, it also raises questions on the mortgaging of resources and key national economic assets to get electoral assistance by ZANU PF. In the 2013 elections in Zimbabwe, it was reported that ZANU-PF's election campaign was partly China-funded, with the party for instance ostensibly receiving one million campaign T-shirts from the Chinese government. President Mugabe also told his central committee that China had given them money and vehicles for campaigning. Moreover, a Zimbabwean newspaper quoted an anonymous army intelligence source alleging Chinese bankrolling of the Mugabe campaign. Therefore, this trip  should not be looked at in isolation, but also it is being used under the guise of a state visit but also as a fundraising trip for ZANU PF campaign, thereby undermining our sovereignty. 

The previous paragraphs unpacked China’s role during the coup, but the post-coup reconstruction period raises questions on the democratic implications on Zimbabwe and the myth of China’s non-interference notion. The recently proposed changes in the Chinese political system that removed term limits for president Xi Jinping are a worrying development and raises big questions about democracy. What message are they (African leaders) learning from China in as far as term limits and democracy is concerned? Such a move has serious implications on democratic values as it props up the one leader mentality undermining constitutional democracy and propping up of dictators.

In conclusion, while it is necessary for Zimbabwe to extend its hand to superpowers for business our government needs to reconsider the manner in which it conducts its business with China and other global powers. From the side-lines, it seems that the scale of relations between Zimbabwe and China has been growing but improvements in the benefits being offered to Zimbabwe is less than sufficient to what is expected. It remains an empirical issue whether the relations between China and Zimbabwe have been beneficial. Conversely, the question for policymakers in Zimbabwe is that they should adopt a more circumspect approach towards especially in Zimbabwe is open for business campaign. On relations with China we should be aware of exploitative dangers associated with such arrangements, but more importantly, Zimbabwe needs to be strategic in how Chinese interest can be exploited to Zimbabwe’s advantage. The Zimbabwe-China relations present some opportunities and challenges at the same time, therefore we need a strategy that is embodied in our foreign policy so that we embrace the opportunities offered by the relationship with the Chinese but on the other hand, it should preserve and promote its interests.

Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

The Mnangagwa’s Unfinished Homework: The Need for a True Public Media

By Blessing Vava

Zim's power couple

The media comedies of errors by the Mnangagwa’s from the events of the past weeks have been interesting in the so-called ‘new dispensation’.  Since taking over the reins of the state in November last year in James Bond style, with the assistance of the military, Mnangagwa has been on a massive rebranding exercise aimed at sprucing up his dented historical image.  The man has been working the clock up to rebrand his image. From his dressing and daily governance practices, Mnangagwa has been trying to show the world that he is different from Mugabe in all aspects and this seems to send confusing signals to his fores. 

In contrast to Mugabe the technophobe, Mnangagwa has endeared himself quite well on social media with active Facebook and Twitter accounts in an effort to reach online audiences.  The active presence of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) leader on the emerging digital public sphere is a realisation of two things: 1. The capability and potency of the social media and 2. That the state media is now unpopular and has dropped in audience and not likely to be effective in reaching the professionals and those in the diaspora. This is largely attributed to the fact that the state media had been reduced to a propaganda outlet a point observed by blogger Takura Zhangazha that it had failed to serve the public interest because of its inclination to the ruling party. The MISA Zimbabwe chapter called for media reforms before elections in their 2017 State of the Media report. Hence Mnangagwa’s coming online should go beyond luring votes or rather a ‘moving with the times’ gesture but prod him to realise the necessity for transforming the public media from being state-controlled propaganda outlet to a truly public media that conforms to the dictates of democracy. I underline this fact because of how Mnangagwa and his supporters had to rely on social media during the height of factional politics in ZANU PF after being blocked from the various public media outlets.

A tale of two 'First Ladies'

While Mnangagwa has been busy on the online outlets and equally dominating front pages and headlines of all state media outlets, his wife Auxillia has had her lion’s share of the coverage. Auxillia Mnangagwa has exhibited an unquenchable appetite for the camera and media attention since ‘taking over’ from Grace Mugabe as the First Lady. In a short space of time, she had made headlines, particularly on the state broadcaster ZBC; hopping from one hospital to another with small handouts as if that will address the myriad of challenges affecting our health delivery system. To sum it all, her antics are nothing short of a seemingly calculated but rather a clumsy Public Relations exercise to build her image as to be different from the previous first lady. In that regard, both the husband and wife seem to find it difficult to find a life of their own outside the long shadow of the Mugabes. There is really no strategy at all on how she should manoeuvre her way and act as the first lady other than to move everywhere she deems with hordes of journalists from the state media to film her while she buys tomatoes from vegetable vendors. If anything this is an abuse of the media and journalists who should be covering public interest stories rather than to be a press team for the First Family.

As if this attention and coverage are not enough, the media-obsessed First Lady is not stopping, she has decided to have the media closer to home.  A few days ago, the Emperor’s wife invited female journalists to state house ‘’to get an appreciation of the challenges they face in executing their duties,’’ as put by the Herald. We were told that ‘’the meeting was the first of its kind by the First Lady of Zimbabwe’’ true, even the attention-loving Grace Mugabe did not go to such levels, but was also notorious for trying to bribe journalists using food handouts. Presumably for favourable coverage. The Herald also reported that ‘’the First Lady promised to donate chickens to the female journalists as a way of empowering them’’ and this is quite clear that this was just another poorly crafted PR exercise with nothing aimed at improving the welfare of journalists in the country. The meeting exposed her limited knowledge as to how the media is structured and how it operates. When you invite the media to your doorstep, it wants to leave the pace with knife edge ideas rather than a promissory note on chickens. The media is a knowledge industry, whose survival rides on the strengthening of ideas from across the socio-economic and political divide.

In addition, Mrs Mnangagwa should know that the media is not part of her office and they should not seek any favours from her, the challenges affecting female media practitioners are broad and well documented and they did not even need an invitation to state house for a banquet. There are many ways in which she can champion the cause and working conditions for women in the media industry and not by donating chickens. It is clear that these antics are a poisoned chalice. She seems to be dangling a carrot to entice the female journalists to report favourably on her ‘philanthropic’ work in a bid to outdo the previous First Lady, Grace Mugabe. In the process, she has ended up exposing herself as an attention seeking and a self-entitled person just like Grace Mugabe.  

In conclusion, I hope the First Lady should be told that in a democracy we need a free and independent media system that not only reports about the positives of the First Family and the First Lady’s projects. The media environment in a democratic state should have equal access for all and not a preserve for a political elite. We need a transformed media system which is free and independent non-partisan and a strong journalistic profession.

Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com and Twitter: @blevava