Ghosts of a Gentleman’s Agreement -The Unfinished Business of Zimbabwe’s November 2017 coup




Blessed Bombshell Geza                                                                                                                         Screenshot/Youtube

By Blessing Vava

Zimbabwe is at crossroads with a nasty succession entanglement allegedly pitting current President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa and his deputy Constantino Chiwenga.  This piece is an attempt to shed more understanding on succession politics within the ruling party, ZANU PF and Zimbabwe. I submit, that the events we are witnessing in Zimbabwe can be characterised as “Ghosts of a gentlemen’s agreement and the unfinished business of the November 2017 coup” that deposed long time ruler Robert Mugabe. Oxford University scholar, Miles Tendi characterise the situation in Zimbabwe as an “elite struggle and disagreements among the coup makers.”

Consequently, president Mnangagwa, to secure his unlimited rule, has been working on "coup-proofing."  Coups by their very nature often unfold in secrecy and speed, as a result those who normally come to power through that route often prioritize measures designed to “coup-proof” themselves. In a bid to avert another coup, Mnangagwa, embarked on a strategy of removing from the army, Generals and high ranking officers that were involved in the 2017 coup. He has sought to do so through retiring and redeploying army generals via appointment as Ambassadors, and redeployment in government. Just before the 31st of March 2025 protests, Mnangagwa daringly retired and redeployed army commander General Anselem Sanyatwe, a perceived Chiwenga ally to the Ministry of Sports. ZANU PF Spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa, seemingly reinforced this widely held assumption, declaring that the president was making sure that the “State apparatus were now in the rights hands.”  These manoeuvres by president Mnangagwa are seen as a betrayal to the purported ‘gentleman’s agreement’ made with Chiwenga to rule for one term and hand over to his deputy. Without doubt, I think Chiwenga and his military allies feel it is time to re-affirm the succession matrix of 2017. They want to execute the delayed military project to its precise conclusion. However, the tide has since shifted and that agreement seem to have been thrown away; firstly, when Mnangagwa opted to go for a second term in 2023 and now a term extension beyond 2028. It is this shift in plans by president Mnangagwa that has prompted a faction of war veterans by Blessed Geza to now come out in the open calling for the removal or resignation of Mnangagwa.

Is the President still ok?

The much publicised Geza led 31 March demonstrations against president Mnangagwa failed to garner traction beyond the sporadic demonstrations by scores of citizens restricted to downtown Harare. At best, it became a stayaway in major cities as citizens opted to play it safe by avoiding town.  Just a day after the stayaway,  Geza called off the protests and instead revealed a new plan, that of moving a motion to impeach Mnangagwa. Geza also made sensational claims that president Mnangagwa’s mental capacities are compromised, and that he is suffering from vascular dementia. He further hinted that those around the president are aware of his predicament and have been exploiting it and pushing him  to sign corrupt deals to their benefit. Geza claims that Mnangagwa’s close family members, in particular his wife Auxillia and his children and ZANU PF linked businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei have been at the center of misleading the president. Though Geza’s claims are yet to be substantiated, they have been numerous incidences which raise serious concerns about the president's state of connectedness to his surroundings, infact his public conduct, on numerous occasions has been off-kilter. For instance, while addressing journalists at State House in February this year, he seemed unaware that the national football team has been playing home matches in South Africa, because the country does not have internationally approved football facilities. In another shocking incident in December 2023, he appeared unaware that Zimbabwe had ceased operating a public train service decades ago. Furthermore, in another embarrassing incident, on the 13th of April 2022, while addressing party supporters in Binga he was heard whispering to his deputy Chiwenga  whether Good Friday marked the birth of Jesus Christ or his death. “What’s Good Friday for by the way, was it the birth  or the death of (Jesus Christ)” moments later, he asked again if the next weekend was Easter.  In February this year, President Mnangagwa seems to have been setup, when he paraded a convicted criminal Maxwell Chikumbutso's fake 'inventions' on an imported Saith FEV car. Chikumbutso claimed to have invented a hypersonic energy device, that taps into radio frequencies to power vehicles and motorbikes.  The president went on to praise Chikumbutso, "This is the only vehicle (of its kind) that exists in the world, there is no other. This is the only vehicle in the world and it is in Zimbabwe. He (Mr Chikumbutso) is so gifted that you will not believe it. When he first came to talk to me, I thought he was insane, but I now know that he is well connected." Firstly, this incident raised questions on role of the country’s intelligence agency as it subjected the president to such an embarrassing boob. Secondly, it also questions the president’s  judgement and fitness to hold office. Any normal human being with a sound mind would have picked some red flags on the purported technological innovations by Chikumbutso. 

31 March.. an uprising that never was: Once beaten, twice shy?

The events of the 31st of March can have different interpretations and meanings. By staying away, Zimbabweans sent a strong message against the regime and that they are fed up with corruption, the economic decay and the misrule. It also highlighted a lack of trust between the citizens and the government, in that despite the assurances of safety by the government and the security apparatus, Zimbabweans still opted to stay at home, presumably due to fear. Furthermore, one might also be tempted to say it was a form of expression that they are not interested in the ZANU PF succession politics. Presumably, learning hard lessons from November 2017, they do not want to be used again. In a surprise turn of events, Geza hailed the stayaway as a success, despite the fact that he had called for the people to flood the streets and remove Mnangagwa. In as much as Geza’s call for protests are being measured by the removal of president Mnangagwa, one may not want to miss that what happened on 31st of March 2025 marks the beginning of an open and long-drawn succession battle in ZANU PF and Zimbabwe. 

Two possible scenarios exist in the current succession politics matrix in ZANU PF. Firstly, one would presume that there is a lot of underground work being done by the Chiwenga camp. Important to note is the conduct of Geza, as it shows that he is not alone but there is some power backing him.  Recently, Chiwenga has been widely quoted in the media stating that, “ ... in life if you want to succeed be a risk taker but a calculated risk taker,” probably signalling his strategic intentions. However, I argue that Mnangagwa will remain in office for a while. With rising tension in ZANU PF, we are likely going to see more purges from government of officials aligned to Chiwenga, while Mnangagwa's allies will be mobilising to consolidate their power and influence in the party and the State. A worst case scenario can be, Mnangagwa goes for broke, and fires Chiwenga, such a move could potentially trigger a tipping point like the events leading to the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, in what became to be known as the Sarajevo moment, plunging the country into a period of further instability and conflict. If such a scenario happens, it will certainly beyond doubt speed up Mnangagwa's exit as the Chiwenga faction within the party and the military will fight back. It would be interesting to see where and how the military locates itself as the succession battle rages on. The military has always been the power broker as far as party and State succession is concerned. In Zimbabwe's contemporary history, the party is the State. ZANU PF succession politics can be traced back to the Mgagao declaration of 1977, where the military command installed the Mugabe political leadership after a coup on Ndabaningi Sithole, then leader. Post-1980, the internal contradictions between the liberation movements ZANU and ZAPU also displayed significant friction within the military. Furthermore, the 2008 elections and subsequently the 2017 military coup reinforce the thesis of the significance of the army in solving the power dynamics in Zimbabwe. Notwithstanding the coup-proofing strategies by Mnangagwa, the prevailing political and socio-economic conditions are ripe ingredients for another putsch. The same "thieves surrounding the President" narrative has been displayed through the Gold Mafia report among other exposes. Ironically, the judgement which sanitized the 2017 coup is turning out to be its weakest legal point. When challenged on the legality of the 24 November 2017 power transfer, the High Court, under Justice Chiweshe legalised military coups in Zimbabwe. He argued that: "The actions of the Defense Forces (Zimbabwe Defense Force of Zimbabwe) in intervening to stop the take-over of first respondent's constitutional functions by those around him are constitutionally permissible and lawful in terms of Section 212 of the Constitution." That set a dangerous precedence for the country and undermines the principles of democracy, and to avoid a snowball trend of coups in Zimbabwe, perhaps the law needs to be reviewed. Therefore, whilst the focus on Zimbabwe's political landscape is being pointed towards an extension of the presidential term to 2030, it is still too early to assume that Mnangagwa will maintain his power. 2028 could actually be too far to maintain his presidency.

Where is the opposition?

A key question to ask is where is the opposition in the current unfolding political developments in Zimbabwe? The past few days, have seen brickbats being thrown at Nelson Chamisa on social media for his alleged lack of action. The state of opposition politics in Zimbabwe is at its lowest and there is lack of a credible leadership ever since the “resignation” of Chamisa  from active politics in February 2024 after losing control of the party to Songezo Tshabangu in dubious circumstances. The opposition over relied on the popularity and charisma of its leader Nelson Chamisa, and this has backfired heavily after his purported resignation from politics.  For those that remained and claim to be leading the opposition after the departure of Chamisa they are perceived as heavily compromised. Their continued stay in Parliament that is now perceived to be a per-diems and benefits seeking platform has meant further loss of relevance and integrity. There is a stronger need for the pro-democratic forces to building a formidable movement and mobilising Zimbabweans to defend constitutional rights and any threat to the democratic principles as espoused in the country's constitution.

A gaze into the future

A gaze into the future pontificates to the potential of the tensions spiralling out of control and plunging Zimbabwe and the Southern African region into instability. Already, the country’s economy has been on the receiving end as leaders are embroilled in succession politics at the expense of development. The political tension in Zimbabwe is a worrying development in particular for SADC, which is already facing instability due to the conflict in the DRC, Mozambique and a host of other challenges in members states. The region simply cannot afford the burden of another conflict, thus, it is important that the Zimbabwe situation is solved quickly before it reaches a boiling point. While Zimbabwe is currently occupying the chairmanship for SADC it is still prudent especially for the panel of elders to engage the different stakeholders, in particular, encourage President Mnangagwa to stop his ambitious 2030 agenda, which is divisive. The current events points to the failure to exorcise the political ghosts of the 2017 coup and it seems the only way to do so, is for the panel of Elders and international community to encourage a national dialogue that seeks to demilitarise politics and public affairs. 

Blessing Ivan Vava (Sibusiso Mhlanga) is a writer based in Chipinge, Zimbabwe.

Acknowledgements: This article was commisioned by the Southern Africa Information Center  ( issa ) 

What is Africa’s strategy towards China? Is there a coherent strategy in place?




As Chinese President Xi Jinping and the Communist Party-led government of China host the 2024 Forum on Africa-China Cooperation (FOCAC) from September 4th to 6th, African nations eagerly anticipated the event.

The run-up to the summit has seen several African leaders engaging in pre-summit activities, "What is Africa's Strategy Towards China? Is there a Strategy?" The Chairperson of the African Union Commission Moussa Faki Mahamat and some African presidents have already met with Chinese leader Xi Jinping, and the photos depict high-powered delegations, mostly comprising politicians and ministers accompanying their presidents including meetings with Chinese government officials and visits to various industries and companies in China, all of which have been highlighted on social media platforms and many media outlets across the continent and beyond. Have our leaders been reduced to “commissioners” (commission seekers and takers), maybe that’s what they go to such summits to do.

One might wonder why entrepreneurs, inventors, innovators, producers, business people, and youth are not represented on these trips. 

The image of the Zimbabwe delegation meeting with the Chinese leader and his team has prompted discussions on social media, with users emphasizing the need for more comprehensive preparations and serious engagement from all participating delegations. It raises questions about whether our leaders are genuinely committed to such platforms, beyond being paraded embarrassingly.

The Forum on Africa-China Cooperation (FOCAC) was established by the Chinese government in 2000 to serve as a vital platform for fostering political, economic, and cultural ties between China and Africa. This partnership builds on a long history of interaction, dating back to the tenth century B.C. Some experts even point to the Bandung Conference of 1955 as a pivotal moment in the development of diplomatic and economic relations between China and Africa. In 1999, China introduced its 'Going Out' initiative, which encouraged Chinese enterprises to expand their operations beyond domestic borders. This resulted in a significant increase in Chinese involvement in Africa, leading to the creation of job opportunities for Chinese workers involved in various infrastructure projects on the continent. This strategic approach underscored China's expanding economic influence on a global scale. All of these instances serve as compelling evidence of China's strong commitment and strategy to engaging with Africa.

A critical examination of Africa's engagement with China reveals a lack of a comprehensive and consistent long-term strategy in dealing with China. While China has a clearly defined pathway for engaging with African countries, there seems to be a lack of coordination and consensus among African Union (AU) member states in their approach to China. There is no strategy, whether long-term or short-term, but just vibes and ideological posturing. Perhaps, this absence of a unified strategy may be attributed to geopolitical dynamics, Western influences, and lingering colonial legacies?

The individual experiences of African countries in their engagements with China also point to the absence of a cohesive strategy. This lack of a unified approach may leave Africa vulnerable to the challenges posed by China's growing power, potentially resulting in ad-hoc policies and measures being adopted as issues arise.

Terms such as "win-win," "mutual benefit," and "all-weather friend" have been used to describe the relationship between Africa and China, but without a clear overarching strategy, these descriptions may only serve as narratives and rent-seeking rather than strategic frameworks. 

The lack of unity among African countries, particularly within the AU, further undermines the development of a comprehensive and consistent long-term strategy for engaging with China. Consequently, the absence of a unified strategy hampers the articulation and implementation of effective policies in relation to China.

Going forward, it is essential for Africa to develop a more nuanced approach in its engagement with China. Therefore, there is a pressing need for a nuanced, consistent, and forward-looking long-term strategy. The African Union's priority should be to formulate and implement a strategy with clear guiding principles to advance the continent's objectives.

In order to accomplish this, regional economic communities such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the East African Community (EAC), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) should devise regional frameworks that can be amalgamated into a unified African strategy towards China. This endeavor, though may present challenges due to the diverse interests of each region and the historical colonial influences that shape individual countries' relationships with China, but it can be a good starting point to come up with collective strategy on China.

Blessing Vava is a researcher on Africa China relations.

Four years after Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s ''blocked'' transition



By Blessing I. Vava 


The 17th  of November 2017 is significant in Zimbabwe's political calendar as it marked the end of President Robert Mugabe's 37-year reign through a military coup. As we reflect on the four years since the ouster of Mugabe and the ascendancy of Emmerson Mnangagwa as the country's leader, we must discuss the progress we have made in addressing the challenges the country faced during the years that President Mugabe was in power. 

For decades, post-independence in 1980, Zimbabwe’s political and economic environment kept regressing because of the ruling ZANU PF party’s misrule and bad governance. Under President Mugabe, Zimbabwe witnessed egregious human rights abuses mainly targeted at the opposition, the media and civil society activists. The opposition was labelled as enemies, while the exercise of freedoms and rights as guaranteed in the country's constitution was gradually whittled and became a preserve to be enjoyed only by ruling party supporters. Various pieces of legislation were crafted mainly targeting the opposition, the media and civil society as the ruling government sought to limit democratic space. Laws like the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act were all enacted to target perceived opponents and silence dissent. 
 

However, without belabouring too much on the performance of the government during Mugabe's era, it is important to note that events happening in Zimbabwe currently are a sad reflection on the deceptive characters of the country's leaders who are continuing in the path of Mugabe, if not worse.  It is no longer in doubt that the country’s rulers are using the law as part of an agenda to create a one-party state where the opposition and civil society are outlawed. The ‘second republic’ has gone back to history to retrieve some archaic tactics of repression such as introducing obnoxious laws like the Law and Order Maintenance Act (LOMA) of 1960 which infringed on people's freedom of association, assembly, movement and expression and the banning of political parties such as ZAPU and ZANU.  

The reform promises that the coup plotters made in November 2017  ie; to restore constitutionalism and the rule of law,  to end corruption and promote human rights and democracy in their imagined "Second Republic" have turned out to be a farfetched dream. The second republic has perfected the repressive apparatus under Robert Mugabe with ruthless determination. The autocracy is deepening faster making a mockery of the promises of November 2017. Already, the country has witnessed the decimation of the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC Alliance) using the courts. The courts are being used to settle political battles and instead of the judiciary acting independently and impartial they have become subservient to the ruling party's wishes painting a gloomy picture on the future of democracy in Zimbabwe.  

Despite the country adopting a new constitution in 2013, the government of Zimbabwe has failed to align old laws to the new constitution. Instead of implementing the new constitution, the government opted to amend the constitution to concentrate power in the Executive.  Whilst the same government promised to do away with some bad laws such as AIPPA, POSA to mention but a few, the reality on the ground proves otherwise. VERITAS, notes that laws such as the Public Order and Security Act [POSA] were replaced with the almost identical Maintenance of Peace and Order Act; AIPPA was repealed, but the new regulations seek to maintain some of its odious aspects. Veritas further noted that Bills have been presented in Parliament to remove checks and balances on judicial appointments and to centralise power in the President.


The government continues to pay lip service to the reform agenda they promised in 2017. The most worrying thing now is the continued shrinking of the democratic space and if anything, what we are witnessing in Zimbabwe is the suspension of the constitution. Apart from the many statutory instruments which the government are busy crafting, various laws are being put in place also to regulate the operations of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and civic work in general. This should be a worrying development for citizens as the government seems determined to muzzle the freedoms of its citizens. According to an analysis by the International Center for Non-Profit Law the proposed Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill, 2021 states that The Minister has broad discretion to replace a PVO’s executive committee with provisional members, which allows the Minister to interfere with a PVO’s internal affairs. The Minister has broad discretion to require trusts registered with the High Court to stop collecting public contributions, including from outside the country, and to register under the PVO Act. This imposes double registration and restricts funding, which both violate best practices. This law threatens the existence of civil society and is a step backwards for the country's democracy and that is the very reason why citizens must resist the re-energised approaches of dealing with those perceived to be critical of the government. 

These laws are coming with a focus on the impending elections in 2023.  After ZANU PF orchestrated commotion in the opposition, it is now determined to ensure that civil society is crippled. The winds of change that blew in Malawi and Zambia have left the ruling ZANU PF party in a panic mode and thus determined not to leave anything to chance. 
Looking back to four years ago when Mnangagwa delivered his inauguration speech on the 24th of November 2017 at the National Sports Stadium in Harare, one would be left wondering how quickly the tide has changed as all the commitments and promises made have proved to be empty rhetoric. Mnangagwa had started on a good note, and quoting his speech he said: “.. we must, however, appreciate the fact that over the years, our domestic politics had become poisoned, rancorous and polarising. My goal is to preside over a polity and run an administration that recognises strength in our diversity as a people, hoping that this position and well-meant stance will be reciprocated and radiated to cover all our groups, organisation and communities.’’ A helicopter analysis today tells a completely different story. 

In conclusion, the “second republic” tenure is proving that Zimbabwe is well entrenched on the same trajectory it was going under President Mugabe. The only difference is that now it is an overt military state. With the level of determination and callousness the state is dealing with the opposition and dissenting voice (particularly the broader democratic movement) the 2023 election has to be a cause for concern to Zimbabweans, the region and the international community. It is, therefore, crucial to mobilise and organise citizens to resist this dangerous trajectory the ZANU PF leadership has placed the country on. There is a need to reawaken the citizens’ agency with urgency, and the mobilisation of communities to stop the government of Zimbabwe from imposing such dangerous pieces of legislation that seek to create a one-party state. The civil society and all pro-democratic forces need to join hands and create a formidable alliance of resistance to safeguard the little that is left for the citizens to enjoy their fundamental freedoms and rights as enshrined in the constitution.  It is also in the interest of regional bodies like SADC, the AU and the UN to bring to check the actions of the government of Zimbabwe which has declared war on its citizens. The laws being introduced in Zimbabwe are a clear violation of the many protocols and international statutes that Zimbabwe is a signatory to.  Mnangagwa's deceit must be exposed as he is proving to be even worse than former president Mugabe.  


Blessing Ivan Vava writes from Chipinge. He can be contacted at blessingvava@gmail.com 


Zimbabwe’s Looting Machine: Cartels, Smugglers, Stealing Country’s Wealth

 

Photos: Getty Images / Waldo Swiegers / Cynthia R Matonhodze / EPA-EFE/AARON UFUMELI

In early February 2021, South Africa’s  Maverick Citizen published an explosive report,  Cartel Power Dynamics, which dug deeper into Zimbabwe’s web of looting, illicit cross-border financial transactions by cartels causing devastating effects to the country’s economy.

As Tom Burgis observed in his 2015 book, The Looting Machine, “Africa’s troves of natural resources were not going to be its salvation; instead, they were its curse.’’ The mAVERICK Citizen report estimated US$3 billion a year in minerals like gold and diamonds being smuggled out of the country at the expense of the national economy. Zimbabwe remains poor despite the abundance of resources a phenomenon described by Burgis (2015) as the “resource curse” as a result of systematic looting.  In sequence, Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey Sachs, and Joseph Stiglitz of Columbia University in 2007 wrote, “despite the prospects of wealth and opportunity that accompany the discovery and extraction of oil and other natural resources, such endowments all too often impede rather than further balanced and sustainable development.” Zimbabwe rightly fits in this jigsaw puzzle.

According to the Daily Maverick, the report sought to understand the extent and impact of cartels and state capture on Zimbabwe's political economy, exposing the contributing factors that have enabled these cartels to thrive. The report looked at the power structures behind cartels in Zimbabwe and analysed their impact on the economy, service delivery and long-term prospects of democratisation in Zimbabwe.

In its findings, the study exposed three types of cartels in Zimbabwe,  the first being collusive relationships between private sector companies; the second being the abuse of office by public officeholders for self-enrichment, and the third and main type being collusive relationships between public officials and the private sector.

The report also observed that these cartels thrive in Zimbabwe because of a complex mix of political, economic and social factors that create an enabling environment for cartel-based corruption. These include patronage, the militarisation of the state, unstable macroeconomic conditions, weak property rights, lack of rule of law and limited citizen agency to deal with corruption.

Overall, the study shows that cartels are deeply entrenched in many parts of Zimbabwean life and recommended for Zimbabwe to achieve economic stability there is need for cartels to be dealt with decisively.

Of interest is the exposé of President Emmerson Mnangagwa as one of the cartel ring leaders whose patronage and protection keeps cartels operating in the country. Kudakwashe Tagwirei, a businessman and advisor to President Mnangagwa, widely regarded as a key benefactor of ZANU-PF was also named amongst the fuel, agriculture and lately mining cartels and one of the key cartel bosses who is also at the centre of state capture. According to the report: “Tagwirei, who falls into this paper’s categorisation of money men, deftly managed the two by financing ZANU-PF’s 2018 election campaign and gifting both Mnangagwa and Chiwenga, their spouses and several top government and ZANU-PF officials with vehicles that were imported duty-free under the Command Agriculture Program (CAP). Tagwirei was recently described by President Mnangagwa as his favourite disciple, and Vice-President Chiwenga allegedly stormed out of a ZANU-PF politburo meeting when youths accused Tagwirei of corruption.”

Suffice to say, Emmerson Mnangagwa is a business partner of Tagwirei, in fact, Mnangagwa himself has said that Tagwirei is a relative – “my nephew”.

Thus, Tagwirei abuses the fact that he is in a corrupt business relationship with Mnangagwa to bully government departments and state-owned companies into illegally siphoning money from the state into their own pockets.

With the current legislation that guarantees access to information, credible sections of the media should have identified and quantified the number of contracts Tagwirei’s companies and subsidiaries have with the state. 

Such must be revealed because there has never been one single business empire in Zimbabwe that monopolises state contracts in the manner that Tagwirei has done.

In reality, what Zimbabwe is currently going through under Mnangagwa is a form of criminal state capture by his kinsman, Kuda Tagwirei is essentially in business with the First Family.  Therefore,  there is no doubt that the extent of capture is deeper than what has come out in this particular report.

Consequently, while the report drew ire from Civil society and citizens in general it is the lack of a coordinated campaign and programme of action by citizens to rise against this cancerous behaviour that is bleeding our economy. The issue seems to have died down, and how soon do Zimbabweans forget and attention has been divided to discuss Vice President Kembo Mohadi’s alleged philandering escapades with said subordinates. Typical of a citizenry whose consciousness has escaped and never said goodbye.

The silence of Zimbabweans over such an issue is alarming and at this rate, we will be left with no country.  This report is just the tip of the iceberg of the many scandals and grand looting by cartels who have captured the state in broad daylight.

Despite the abundance of information floating around our media has also been exposed for their lack of sophistication and rather limited investigative capacity to search for more and expose the shenanigans that have been happening over the past decades. The country has an adequate legislative framework to guarantee Zimbabweans media access to such crucial information,  but there is no one to genuinely pursue such because the media is either complacent, captured or compromised.

It is in this light that all right-thinking Zimbabweans must stand up against the Tagwirei kleptocratic syndicate because at this rate we will soon be left with no country.

In the final analysis, I would posit that the solution to dealing with cartels and state capture is to remove ZANU PF from political power, and Zimbabweans must never be apologetic about that.  However, the process in which ZANU PF will be removed from power is through elections, this is why therefore there has to be a clamour for electoral reforms to enable free and fair participation of citizens. This does not mean, however, that other means to remove a captured state will not be explored, because, under a dictatorship, electoral outcomes are not the true reflection of the people’s wishes and interests.

Blessing Ivan Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted at blessingvava@gmail.com



COVID-19: Africa’s wins and big losses


 By Blessing Vava

One year after the first recorded cases of COVID-19 were reported in Wuhan, China in December 2019, the world is experiencing a second wave of the deadly COVID-19 pandemic with the emerging new variants leading to a rise in infections and deaths.

However, even with the emergence of the new variants, the rate of infections and deaths in Africa remains low as compared to the other continents.

The latest statistics from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control 25 January 2021 points out that Africa has recorded78,894 deaths; compared with roughly 969,992 in the Americas, 662,326 in Europe, and 324,294 in Asia.

Whereas in 2020, the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa in April predicted that the COVID-19 would spread like wildfire in Africa estimating 300,000 deaths by end of 2020, citing crowded cities where social distancing is impossible, poorly funded health sector and lack of testing facilities etc, it seems it has not happened as predicted.

Basing on the statistics, it seems the first wave of the coronavirus had less impact than predicted and to date, death rates haven’t met those worst-case scenario predictions as compared to Asia, Europe and Americas. The case-fatality ratio (CFR) for COVID-19 in Africa is lower than the global CFR.

Consequently, some theories are suggesting that those numbers might not actually reflect the reality on the ground due to a variety of reasons. Central to the argument being pushed suggest that testing for COVID-19 cases has been comparatively limited on the continent, which could be contributing to lower case numbers.

However, as the debates continue whether COVID-19 has had much impact on the continent or not, the realities on the ground are that though still low, the second wave is claiming lives more than we anticipated and this has exposed many governments in Africa for lack of preparedness and uncoordinated response mechanisms. With previous outbreaks of Ebola and Cholera etc we are still found wanting with our lack of preparedness.

As this is happening countries in the developed world, in particular the United States, Europe, China and Canada are running vaccination campaigns and inoculating their populations. In Africa, it seems we are always lagging behind and still negotiating with foreign governments for vaccines, why is that so? One wonders what the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention,  (a public health agency of the African Union to support the public health initiatives of member states and strengthen the capacity of their health institutions to deal with disease threats) is doing, what are our scientists, researchers doing? Since time immemorial we have been waiting for vaccines from outside the continent and now with conspiracy theories flying around on the negative effects of the vaccines, the question still stands why Africa has been failing to come up with its own vaccines compatible to our situation.  In countries like Zimbabwe, the government is said to have approached Russia and China for Covid-19 vaccines as the country battles to contain the spread of the virus which has claimed 3 cabinet Ministers in 10 days.

COVID-19…the Case of Zimbabwe

Whilst the country is on an extended 2 weeks hard lockdown with a 6 am to 6 pm curfew, with a surge in infections in particular in the first 2 weeks since the beginning of the year, hospitals have been failing to cope. From a public health perspective 2020, the imposed lockdowns were more proactive with concerted efforts being made to arrest the spread of the virus as compared to the current which is more or less reactive, based on the cluelessness of the Mnangagwa's administration. However, from a socio-economic angle, some would argue that the lockdowns are failing to work due to their economically destructive nature. It should be noted that the purpose of the lockdowns is to curb transmission of the virus and it should be a time for the state to prepare hospitals, source supplies and learn from treatment innovations perfected elsewhere. But instead, a lockdown which is not supported by the rolling out of a mass testing campaign, provision of personal protective equipment (PPEs), capacitating and expanding facilities, the fight against the pandemic will remain a pipe dream.

Enforcement of Lockdown

Furthermore, concerns have been raised in the manner in which the lockdowns are being enforced, and instead of it being a mitigatory public health issue lockdowns become security issues, police heavy-handedness to those found violating the regulations. In reality, the COVID-19 lockdowns have proven to be an opportunity for insecure regimes to close the democratic space.

In the same light, and despite the lockdown, the rate of infection is going down but deaths continue to rise with many people dying at home due to the inaccessibility of health facilities due to exorbitant fees, the lack of adequate infrastructure and equipment to treat COVID-19 patients etc.

And as we wait for the Russia/China vaccines a government official, Robert Mudyirama, the Head of Monitoring and Evaluation in the Ministry of Health and Child Care, announced that government was failing to procure enough Covid-19 vaccines adding that of the 3 Million doses set to be acquired under the COVAX scheme, would be prioritized to frontline health care workers, ministers, Members of Parliament, the security sector and senior government officials.

Though the government has backtracked on this announcement, such a move would not only have been shocking but very disturbing and priority should be given to high risk or vulnerable groups. In doing so, the government must ensure that there is equity, fairness in the rolling out of the vaccines and they should appropriate funds towards this initiative. The government of Zimbabwe should ensure a people-centred approach in the provision of health care, ensuring free testing, free PPEs and free vaccination should the vaccines come to the country.

However, as it stands it seems there is no clear plan to deal with the virus despite the lockdowns. Public health facilities remain deathbeds with ill-equipped facilities, poor remuneration of the health workers etc.

The country’s health delivery systems are dysfunctional as far as promoting the provision of core health services because of the nationwide economic decline, corruption and staff attrition.

It should thus be the responsibility of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, our governments and mandate to institute reforms and the creation of a Public Health Emergency Taskforce to guarantee a rapid response to outbreaks and emergencies on our continent. This should be complemented by robust mechanisms to strengthen the surveillance and response systems, as one of the major priorities.

Blessing Ivan Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com