Zimbabwe @34: Regrouping for a People Driven Way Forward

By Blessing Vava

Zimbabwe turns 34 month with its President, Robert Mugabe making history as the Africa’s oldest Head of State at 90 years of age. The generation of Mugabe, Chitepo, Tongogara, Nkomo and all those who participated in the struggle for independence must be honoured and saluted for the selfless sacrifices they made to liberate Zimbabwe.

The coming of independence was a joyous moment for all the citizens, who for a long time had been subjected to a racist colonial regime that denied the black people political and economic freedom. With the struggle of liberation have been long and protracted, the pulling down of the Union Jack at Rufaro Stadium in April 1980 marked the beginning of  a new stage to the revolution to full freedom for the people of Zimbabwe.

The reasons why Zimbabwe went to war are quite important for us to understand the concept of national liberation. The national liberation of the people entailed the destruction of political and economic domination of the racist supremacists Rhodesians. The questions we ask today are- was our liberation struggle about removing the white man? Or it was about addressing the political and economic system for the benefit of the majority.

Our revolutionary task after independence was for us to strive to achieve those goals for the benefit of the citizens of this country. For years after independence Zimbabwe adopted a transitional constitution negotiated in Lancaster England. It is that constitution that guided Zimbabwe’s political and economic trajectory until 2013, with the first amendments in 1987 together with 19 other amendments that followed.

The Lancaster House document guided Zimbabwe to its first democratic elections which were won by President Mugabe’s ZANU PF and he became the country’s premier, with the late Reverend Canaan Banana, assuming a ceremonial presidency. The Zvobgo amendments abolished the post of Prime Minister and created an executive presidency with Mugabe assuming office as the ultimate leader of the Southern African country.   Already this step in itself was a clear negation of the values and principles of the liberation struggle. This marked the first step in reversing those gains. The constitution in itself should protect its citizens from absolute rulers

Ironically, the late Edison Zvogbo, the then Minister of Legal Affairs master-minded the amendment to Executive Presidency.  However the shortcomings of our national constitution was its hollowness in addressing the term limits for a president of the country, and it is this gap that Mugabe later abused to stay in power. It also failed to adequately address social, economic rights. With unlimited term limits and excessive power at his disposal, Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe since 1980. And I argue that Zimbabwe’s problems emanated from the constitutional order that allowed one man rule and not majority rule. Suffice to say, aided by the executive powers, the state security apparatus have been Mugabe’s trump card for the past thirty four years.

 As we reflect 34 years down the line, Zimbabwe now boasts itself for having finally authoring its own constitution, which however was controversially sponsored by the inclusive government. The liberation struggle was about freedom, it was about democracy, it was about land, the national economy.  The struggles for a people driven constitution of by the constitutional movement in the late 90s were a fulfilment of the goals of the liberation struggle and total independence, not of a few black elites by the majority of Zimbabweans.

  Despite Mugabe’s attempts to cheat us into accepting a flawed constitution in 2000, the pro-democratic forces armed with the National Working Peoples Convention resolutions mobilised Zimbabweans into rejecting that constitution in the referendum. However the rejection of the Chidyausiku document meant that we were back to square one and again the constitutional debate escalated to the extent that ZANU PF could not ignore anymore. Even during the negotiations that led to the crafting of the GPA, the issue of the constitution was topical and a whole section of that agreement was crafted as a result.

Alternatively, the civil society had gathered earlier that year in February 2008 just a month before the harmonised elections to come up with Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which outlined a framework writing a new constitution in its Section 3.

To address the challenges affecting our country I pose to the young generation to embrace the people’s charter. The historic programme which has evolved to express the common immediate aspirations of all the classes of the oppressed people is the Peoples Charter. This document is in itself, a programme for social democracy as it can provide a basis for uninterrupted advance to a social democratic future.

Moving forward, we must accept the mistakes of the past generations and put it to ourselves to address that. The GNU promised us about the so-called incremental gains have actually turned out to be a decrement. The thirty four years of independence should be equated on the basis of the state of progression of the laws that govern us, the political will and the success of our economy. The framework is brilliantly captured in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. The fulfilment of the charter will be the completion of the revolution towards a social democratic state. It is no longer a doubt that the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter aspires to fulfil and safeguard the values, principles and gains of the liberation struggle and our national independence. To achieve that we need not just political statements, neither do we need cult leaders to safeguard the values of the liberation struggle and our national independence. It now requires fortitude, selflessness and discipline, a clear programme of mass mobilisation action in the fight for total freedom from the ZANU PF regime.

Our generation should lead a guided struggle which like  the Freedom Charter in South Africa and adhere to those guiding principles so that we do not end up personalising the peoples struggle like what happened with ZANU PF and what is currently happening in the MDC. Internal democracies or peoples struggles should be challenged based on a set of principles which have to be agreed upon by the people. Our generation should move towards fulfilling the Peoples Charter and the National Working Peoples Convention. Going forward there is need to regroup and merge the Peoples convention and peoples charter to come up with a framework to guide our generational struggle- create a social democratic movement of young energetic people to fulfil its provisions and principles.

NB-the article was first published on independence day as part of the CPC's Notes on 34 Years of Zimbabwe's Independence. http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2014/04/notes-on-34-years-of-zimbabwes.html

‘Equality for women is progress for all’

By Blessing Vava

One of Africa’s greatest revolutionaries, the late Mozambican President Samora Machel, once said: “The liberation of women is not an act of charity but a fundamental precondition for the success of our revolution.” These are relevant words as the world commemorated International Women’s Day on Saturday 8 March 2014. The international theme for the 2014 International Women’s Day ‘Equality for women is progress for all.’

In Zimbabwe and the world over women have been suppressed in this patriarchal society since the biblical times.  But however, strides have been achieved in the fight for gender equality and a lot needs to be done. The Peoples Charter does recognise the important role women continue to play in our society. The Peoples Charter states that ‘all human beings are created equal, must live and be respected equally with equitable access to all resources that our society offers regardless of their gender, and that gender equality is the responsibility of women and men equally, we recognise the role that our mothers and sisters played in the liberation of our country from colonialism and their subsequent leading role in all struggles for democracy and social justice.’

Thus, International Women’s Day is a special occasion as we all celebrated what women are doing in their jobs and in our trade unions, in politics, in the media, in our education and religious institutions, in our homes and in our communities.

It is a day of solidarity between women – solidarity in the continued struggle for total emancipation from economic and social subordination, a day when women unite to protest against the continued exploitation of the majority of women – at, the work place, and at home.

Quite significant, is the achievement, that hundreds of Zimbabwean women today hold high office in government, parliament and civil society, shattering the old myth that only men have the skills and ability needed to be leaders and hold the most senior jobs. However there is still a great need to increase in political participation of women.  It also has to start with our laws of the land, the constitution, whose vague provisions on gender need to be revised. We need laws that continue promote gender equity in employment, and human rights for women in the community and the family.

Despite many women occupying various positions of influence it is sad that there are only 8 out of 63 cabinet Ministers in our present government. As for parliament, the constitution did not manage the issues of gender equality, rather despite an additional 60 seats for women, it would have been proper had the quota for female MPs been taken out of the existing number of MPs that time.

 During the liberation struggle, young courageous women made great sacrifices when they joined the war of liberation. It was not an easy terrain; they faced all kinds of hardships, which also included gender based violence and sexual abuse during the war.

 But we would be dishonouring the memory of those heroines of the past and present if we were to be complacent about the huge problems women still confront. Despite the advances since 1980, millions of poor women still battle against unemployment, poverty, access to health services, access to economic opportunities, issues of maternal mortality, cervical cancer, discrimination and abuse. Little is being done to address these challenges affecting our women.

The most astounding manifestation of the continued subordinate position of women is reflected in our statistics on violence against women – some of the worst in the world.  Last year alone from January to April 2013, a total of 2 654 new cases of domestic violence were received by the courts. Rape statistics vary because at least two out of three rapes are not reported, but it is estimated that at least 15 women are raped a day. Some of the perpetrators being senior politicians, business people, academics, yet this call on us as a nation to be uphold our morals.

This means we need to develop new strategies, including a call to all men in our society to reflect on and talk about how they see and relate to women. Our male comrades should be honesty with each other about what they can play in changing their own behaviour and perceptions of women as commodities to be owned and disposed of.

 This call to our male comrades however does not ignore the fact that unfounded allegations of abuse are made by women from time to time. This problem however is small in comparison to the scale of proven abuse, and should not detract from the fact that we have a serious societal crisis that needs to be dealt with. More and more male comrades are beginning to understand that empowering women comrades is essential in building a movement that can challenge patriarchal views and lay the foundations for a society free of all oppression.

Blessing Vuvuzela Vava writes from Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

Tsvangirai stumbling block to democracy

By Blessing Vava

In happier times-Tsvangirai and Eliza at their 'mock'
wedding

The embarrassing defeat of Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDCt by ZANU PF in last year’s July 31 polls have sent Zimbabwe’s opposition politics into disarray and in a statement of disillusionment. The ‘democratic front’ is disbanded. The opposition’s failure to work together to defeat ZANU PF was a great tragedy and now, its seemingly a toll-order as all the opposition parties in Zimbabwe are in quandary. After constantly accusing Israel based company NIKUV of rigging the elections in favour of ZANU PF, the main opposition party, MDCt failed to substantiate their claims with some senior party officials openly accepting that the party’s defeat had nothing to do with NIKUV whatsoever. Rather they blame it on lack of cohesion, a disconnection in the manifesto of the party and its grassroots support base; poor mobilisation strategies; above all, they cite bad leadership style and humiliating personal conduct of their President Morgan Tsvangirai. For years since its formation, the MDC had become a people’s hope for a new Zimbabwe, a new Zimbabwe governed through democratic means characterised with a return to the rule of law, something alien to ZANU PF.

Then leader of the other faction -Mutambara

In 1999,  the National Working Peoples Convention, gathered workers, students, churches and peasants, and gave birth to an opposition party, the MDC to challenge ZANU PF’s hold on power. We all know that one of the main slogans in the 2000-2002 elections was dubbed ‘Mugabe Must Go,’ and the reasons were clear.  Mugabe had manipulated the constitution to have an unlimited term as Executive president. It was apparently clear that the calls for him to go, despite his misrule, were his failure to address the issue of leadership renewal and succession. Those who dared Mugabe like Zvobgo and Mavhaire were dealt with. President Mugabe has been ZANU PF’s leader since time immemorial, leadership renewal, and succession is forbidden in ZANU PF.

So the opposition gained sympathy from a lot of democracy-loving Zimbabweans because it was preaching a different hymn that of a president with limited terms, one that respects the constitution, a leader who accepts divergence of views above all a political party that does not engage in acts of violence and corruption. That is why even in the 2000 parliamentary elections and subsequently the 2002 presidential elections the MDC shocked ZANU PF despite the unfairness of the playing field. Violence, intimidation and alleged rigging characterised those polls. In the MDC, Zimbabweans saw hope, they saw a new culture of politics different from the one they had been accustomed to since ZANU PF took over from independence. However, the behaviour of the MDCT over the years mutated, cloning itself into an undemocratic outfit just like ZANU PF. Perhaps they went through an ‘apprenticeship’ from 2009 to 2013, July 31^st at the hands of ZANU PF. The trail of disaster as a result of their leader’s undemocratic tendencies over the years has been a derailment to the attainment of a new Zimbabwe as envisaged by the NWPC. The 2005 split of the party was a major setback to the democratic struggle. The party’s internal democratic systems were put to test, and resultantly the national council of the MDC then voted for participation in the Senate polls, a decision which was later overruled by the party, President Morgan Tsvangirai. To be frank, Tsvangirai’s undemocratic and dictatorial tendencies manifested as he unilaterally reversed the decision of the National Council.  Funny enough, Tsvangirai chose to call his faction MDC-Tsvangirai, marking the birth of cultism that is now haunting the MDC until today. It is this ‘t’ that has become problematic in the MDC.

Tsvangirai's heaven on earth

As if not enough, apart from adopting Tsvangirai’s name, the faction shockingly put his face on the party’s insignia. Something absolutely wrong and detrimental to our politics, the MDCt has indeed become a ‘personal’ project, from the name, the symbols and the internal dynamics hogging the party. The idea of setting up the movement was never around creating a demi-God the same way that Mugabe has become an embedded cult in our politics. I have heard on several occasions, statements like Tsvangirai is the face of the struggle, Tsvangirai is the only one to defeat Mugabe, I’m the Main Actor to mention but a few. Ahhh!! There is no-one who was anointed to lead, cultism must stop, leaders must come and go, there is nothing special about Tsvangirai, and the struggle for democracy does not end with him. If anything he has stalled the democratic agenda.

Now that the party lost again in 2013, is a clear show of leadership deficiency, signs of fatigue and above all lack of confidence that the MDC is the long-awaited real vehicle or political nemesis to deliver us from ZANU PF’s misrule. A change of tactics, behaviours and attitudes is a necessary precondition for the political survival of the MDC. If Tsvangirai and crew were to read those resolutions carefully they must surely see fault and be ashamed of their present status. The MDC has become his personal project and anyone who dares challenges Tsvangirai will face the full wrath of some good-for-nothing fellows whose political survival is tangled on Tsvangirai’s shoelaces, for their tongues are always cleaning the bosses’ shoes. In a similar manner, the decision by Tsvangirai to cling to the MDC presidency is not in the national interest but a move to safeguard and root his self-aggrandisement drive. The nation should be asking what is so peculiar about the Highlands state-owned property that Tsvangirai has decided to privatise, if given an opportunity to reside at state house Tsvangirai will own it!!!! Those who are suppressing the succession debate are only doing so for their immediate selfish ends.  

From the issues raised by Elton Mangoma, no-one including Luke Tamborinyoka has dared to respond, rather they are skating around the issues in defence of Tsvangirai, whom they will soon declare life ‘president’ even at the expense of MDC support base and founding principles. Lest this be misconstrued the call for the step down of Tsvangirai is progress for the democracy but I fail to get the reasoning behind creating the option or post of Founding President, Tsvangirai and Mugabe must simply GO!!! The MDC is now just another cultist outfit with Tsvangirai as its life leader. The danger is that, and indeed, Tsvangirai will not go for a congress soon, he will attempt to consolidate his power, purge all opponents and surround himself with unprincipled bootlickers further rendering the MDC weak and facing another clobbering defeat in 2018 that will signal the end of its existence. One wonders what happened to the term limits as espoused in the MDC founding constitution – of course, the cultists have chosen to deliberately misinterpret the clause to mean state term limits.  As we face the 2018 elections the opposition parties and their subsidiaries have a mammoth task, as it stands they seem not to have a clear agenda to mobilise the masses and win elections and also transform our economy, improve service delivery for our country to prosper.  If 2018 is going to be of any hope to the party, the MDC needs to re-engage the principles set out in the NWPC and embark on a mass cleansing of cultism lest 2018 represents the unveiling of its tombstone after 5 years of death. Zvazviri!

NB: Views expressed in this article are personal. Please acknowledge the link should you wish to use this article.

Blessing Vuvuzela Vava writes from Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com, Twitter @blevava

Zimbabwe a nation in limbo

By Blessing Vava

Mugabe's campaign picture

The political litmus test to a democracy has always been defined with how a nation or unit is able to change leadership in an orderly fashion successively. When Zimbabweans sacrificed their lives during the liberation struggle the paramount political objective was the supremacy of the vote – dramatised as one man one vote. It was the thinking of the time that no man is infallible and leaders need to be changed periodically as well as national and people’s interest come first. Never did our forefathers, brothers and sisters pioneer a struggle meant for the creation and self-enrichment of a demi-God on motherland. The idea was certainly not about creating a permanent seat for a permanent personality in our body politic – unlike Iran the liberation charter never sought to create a supreme leader. That president Robert Mugabe has become a central figure in our country’s political landscape for more than three decades now calls for serious introspection and national evaluation against the core values of liberation struggle. Egotism and unparalleled dogma have provided a fertile ground and bred an unparalleled thirst for power in an era of contemporary democracies. Need I say that am fully aware of the neoliberal machinations of the concept of democracy but if taken on its own outside a hostile international environment it is the paramount reason that mobilised our people to engage in the liberation struggle against white domination. That Mugabe believes no one else can do it better on the political scale is an indictment on our generation..... we bred the monster in him – by failing to demand and safeguarding an accountable political system which was the benchmark of our liberation struggle.

President Mugabe has become shrewd in dealing with opposition and each time after every election he seems to emerge with a new level of astuteness and certainly fine art of extending his grip on power skilfully (at times brutally) outwitting his opponents. After losing the first round of elections in March 2008, he instead went on a rampage of brutalising political opponents that intimidated his main opponent Morgan Tsvangirai to eventually conduct a one-man election in June 2008. After the sham election, Mugabe had to be part of an inclusive government which legitimised his presidency. The coalition government was his political resurrection from the dead; it saved him until its final collapse after the July 31 poll. And as expected 31 July was the end of an era for his erstwhile contenders – MDC-t. During the GNU the president remained an active player, more energised and witty that even his age couldn’t corroborate with his actions.  It was all about the President’s powers more than anything else. In fact the MDC spent most of the time concentrating on social service delivery and the economy and forgot they were in a political marriage awaiting a permanent divorce. They fell to Mugabe’s witty tactics and neglected political reforms which will forever haunt them. By neglecting constitutional and electoral reforms the MDCs are guilty of resurrecting a political ghost which had been buried on 29 March 2008.

 

ICT Minister who is technologically shy

A series of political blunders spelt below indicate that the MDC is guilty of committing political suicide and aiding the resurrection of Mugabe.  The year 2013’s first major highlight was when the coalition government of ZANU PF and the two MDCs frog-marched Zimbabweans to vote for a constitution that they had never set their eyes on under the guise that it contained their views. This was not only a national fraud but a setback to the democratic values of national foundations. We were tricked by President Mugabe, who in his maverick style used Prime Minister Tsvangirai and Professor Ncube to further his interests. The man outclassed them all systems out, and to suggest we were in a transition as the opposition parties used to say i9s nothing but wishful thinking. A political transition, Cdes, is a significant movement towards mass democracy – ours was an unequal society less likely to consolidate democracy and ended up oscillating between a brutal regime and a population that suffered substantial fiscal volatility!!!

 

The Energy Minister who needs energy himself

The highlight of the July 31 elections is somewhat missed which in the history of Zimbabwe surpassed all by being one of the most peaceful political events with less incidences of physical political violence. The elections saw ZANU PF getting a two thirds majority and above all fielding an 89 year old candidate, who eventually won the elections. This was historic and record breaking, I wondered to myself how a country with such a young educated lot (90.6% literacy) voted for an octogenarian, and indeed there is something wrong somewhere. The campaign itself was spearheaded by Mugabe himself, using his much looking younger picture, his signature was all emblazoned on their party regalia, in total he addressed a total of 10 star rallies across the country. Every ZANU PF official who appeared on television addressing a rally would speak more about the president than his own, whether it was a party directive or what, this was Mugabe’s campaign. The election of 31 July was therefore pinned on idolising and safeguarding the political life and legacy of Mugabe and the development paradigm through the party’s indigenisation and empowerment proposals were nothing but a tired political slogan less appealing to the people. The question that immediately poses is what went wrong? The answer is bare for all to see Cde Mugabe branded himself and manipulated the electoral process.

Zimbabwe – A nation in limbo

 Elections came and went and the task of nation building lies in a clueless regime that destroyed the very fabric of our economic being and political progress. The appointment of the cabinet proved to be a painstaking exercise for the Harare regime which took more time than expected. A number of factors account for this delay but perhaps more concisely it was because President Mugabe could not choose from a large pool, not of competent comrades, but a click of bootlickers. Such is the patronage system which has characterised his leadership from the party down to parastatals and councils. Like the Black Prince Wrathion Mugabe is known to richly reward those who earn his trust and support his endeavours. Of course not forgetting the balancing act on widespread factionalism in ZANU PF. The delays somehow affected the government business as the Executive and the judiciary remained the only functioning organs of the state. It left a leadership vacuum, and dealt a blow to the economy as business continued on a speculative path. Needless to say service delivery becomes a neglected stepchild.

Most are privy of the talk about recycling old wine in new bottles or rather portfolios. The role of cabinet in a presidential system has been to advise the president on policy direction as well as administer executive branch government agencies. The system owes its being to the English Privy Council from the 16th Century and has been a means by which the executive can effectively discharge development on the political, social and economic sphere. The appointment of a cabinet would require individuals with capacity and zeal to assist the president effectively govern a nation. These individuals should not sing praises all the time on the president but provide a balanced view on how to take the nation forward. A striking difference can be drawn with how mafias operate – the Don surrounds himself with hero worshipping beneficiaries of an illicit unit/system. These are henchman.  In Zimbabwe, the appointment of key ministers namely Chombo, Chinamasa, Moyo, Kasukuwere ,Nhema, Mavhaire etc left a lot to be desired. I still hear wild cries because of the composition of the Ministers chosen by President Mugabe. He chose his close old friends who have been there before and have a record of failure, Ministers who cannot interpret their own policies; they can only read out at press conferences but not in the loop of what they are talking about.  The current cabinet like their leader has characters who are way old and cannot respond to the needs of the younger generation who occupy more than 60% of the country’s population.  These are more henchmen in a mafia system than cabinet minister and to expect delivery of an effective government work programme for the next five years is expecting impossible. The major highlight of this ‘cabinet’ has been a futile after-though budget. The nation has been betrayed, the nation mourns, the nation is in limbo, and the nation is in dire need of a political nemesis. That Mugabe can dream of consolidating his power in 2018 is at the age of 94 should send shivers in our nation. What is it that he is capable of doing that no other Zimbabwean is capable of achieving? If its Mugabe chete chete does it mean that Zimbabwe will cease to exist the day he dies? Zimbabwe needs a political leadership that will resurrect the ideals of the liberation struggle and realise their fruition. The future should see a reengagement with the Zimbabwe People’s Charter, resetting the motion for a genuine people driven democratic constitution intertwined with substantive electoral reforms, rethinking the course of our national economy and connecting with the people’s struggles for a functional economy. Debate should no longer be premised on personalities but discourse that takes Zimbabwe out of the limbo it has been plunged. Slogans about a pro-poor development course must now be realised with the de-Mugabeisation of our beloved nation. The democratic ideals we fought for should now take centre stage with a leadership change. Certainly motherland deserves better.

Blessing 'Vuvuzela' Vava is with the Committe of the People Charter (CPC), and a blogger who writes from Chipinge, he can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

THE NCA CONGRESS..DEFINING THE FUTURE

By Blessing Vava

On the 28th of September the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) will be convening its historic congress at its headquarters, Bumbiro House in Harare. The congress meets after the last General Assembly then in 2006, and presented an opportune moment for the movement to reflect on its failures and successes since its formation in 1997. Our fight over the years has been the fight for a people driven constitution. Mindful of the founding vision of the NCA of ‘a peaceful, prosperous, democratic and united country founded on human dignity and social justice’ and mission ‘for Zimbabwe to have a new, democratic and people driven constitution,’ the NCA have never lost sight of what it’s seek to achieve despite the obstacles that it has encountered over the years. In 2000 it successfully blocked Mugabe’s sponsored constitution, mobilising Zimbabweans from the length and breadth of our country to vote NO in the referendum held in February the same year.

The rejection was as a result of the historical processes, the National Working People’s Convention (1999), which clearly espoused that the writing of a new constitution should not be led by individual or political parties. The same resolution was also articulated by the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter (2008), giving NCA solid reasons and justification to reject Article Six of the Global Political Agreement, (GPA). In all these events the NCA agreed that the writing of a new constitution be open, owned and driven by the people of Zimbabwe. The NCA had seen the shortcomings of entrusting those in political offices to write a constitution for the whole nation, thus rejecting Article 6 of the Global Political Agreement.

To NCA, Article 6 fell short of what we in the organisation believe in; it relegated the people of Zimbabwe to be mere spectators in the writing of their own constitution. How retrogressive were our former friends, the 2 MDCs, whose founding nucleus was the National Working People’s Convention, have also reneged from that principle. They threw away the NWPC agreement the moment they joined Mugabe’s bandwagon. Selling principle on the altar of political convenience: revolutionary movements do not renege from principle. It is these historical documents and events, the NWPC resolutions and the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter that NCA will continue using as tools of analysis for complicated day to day social, economic and political matters.

Against this background, the NCA remained principled despite the foolish, childish and rather false claims that the NCA existed to siphon donor resources for survival. It is no secret that when COPAC was established the NCA refused to be part of that charade and some donors tried to manipulate the NCA to be part of that bandwagon. A notion we totally rejected.

It is during that time that some donors from the western world dumped the NCA for its refusal to support the inclusive government constitution making process. Over the years we have learnt a big lesson that for any struggle to succeed it has to be a principled struggle and that the issues of money must never compromise on the goals and objectives to be achieved. Proudly, our movement has grown from strength and the dedication by the membership must be saluted. They have stood the test, contributing the little from their hard earned cash to fund the organisation. Such dedication and commitment is motivated by the desire for a prosperous and democratic country. For that reason, prophets of doom who wished the collapse of the NCA were totally shamed.  Therefore, as we define a new path on the 28th of September, It is that steadfastness, commitment and principle that will enable any movement to live long. 

The politics of the land today have dramatically changed and as such we have to re-organise ourselves in this new terrain. Our struggle for a people driven constitution will forever be at the forefront until victory is achieved. Thus this congress is about setting the foundation for the future for our beloved country.

This congress will set an agenda and program for the democratic revolution. It is a stepping stone towards a society, a political culture that accommodates debate, disagreements and differing opinions without labelling of comrades as sell-out, lost, traitors or counter-revolutionary.

As a revolutionary movement, the NCA have learnt especially at a time when donors dumped it that a movement can be sustained by its membership. This could not have been achieved if it did not have committed cadre within its ranks. This is why the membership coming to this historic congress has taken it upon itself to fund for own transport and accommodation.  Such levels of sacrifice are indeed a reason to celebrate.  As we continue recruiting, our membership must be disciplined and commit voluntarily for the good of the movement.  Those obsessed with material or personal gains have no place in our ranks. 

Hence, this National Congress affords us the opportunity to account for our stewardship over the past period and at the same time devise strategies and map out plans for a bolder and better future.

Thus, the demand for visionary leadership has never been so compelling. On the same vein and as an organisation, we revile in strongest terms the continued disparaging slander by some self-imposed political commentators and analysts on casting aspersions on the integrity of the NCA and its leadership.

Our colossal challenge going forward is to ensure that we remain true in our course in building unity and cohesion in our movement. If we look back at the road we have traversed in the last years, so can we be confident that as the revolutionary organisation we have stood the test of time and emerged unscathed by the challenges that came before us in our persistent struggle for a democratic constitution that will also seek to improve material conditions of the people and making our people to live their own lives for the better.

Our resolve for unity and cohesion remains unshaken; our mission to champion a new democratic dispensation remains untiring. We therefore wish our delegates fruitful deliberations on the day of congress.

Blessing Vava is the Director of Information for the National Constitutional Assembly. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com