Afrobarometer survey-an opportunity to redefine the struggle


By Blessing Vava

The Afrobarometer/ Mass Public Opinion Institute of Zimbabwe report has sent tongues wagging and received with mixed feelings locally and abroad. 
The survey, found that Mugabe enjoys greater support in the rural areas where 70 percent trust him while he only enjoys 45 percent trust of the urban people has left many in disbelief in that despite his age Mugabe enjoys more trust than any other politician in the land.
For the opposition, obviously they are still failing to come to terms with the survey, which also found out that the opposition parties were the least supported institutions, trusted by only 34 percent of Zimbabweans.

Some have dismissed the survey as ‘dogded’, ‘rigged’, ‘nikuved’ and all sorts of dismissive terms.
However we all know for a fact that such allusions have become synonymous with the opposition since time immemorial. In 2013, they dismissed the Susan Booysen (they actually rejected two surveys: the Freedom House one done by Booysen, another internal one done by MDC IRI and also one from Afrobarometer ).  Most of the findings from these  surveys mirrored the results of the the June 2013 elections.
I think dismissing  such  surveys is not only dangerous but disastrous and rather they should help in  developing political strategies based on the worst case scenarios otherwise we would be failing to appreciate and taking into cognisant that surveys constitute free political consultancy.

The broad democratic movement (workers, civil society etc. ) must ask hard questions why Mugabe is popular in the rural areas where there is rampant violence at the time of elections? Is it because the ‘urban based’ movements for democracy have themselves not had a deep understanding of the actual prevailing political economy which includes swathes of ‘rural poverty’?
Hence any serious political outfit should take such findings seriously without necessarily being dismissive and emotive.

On the opposition being least trusted, I think it might be as a result that the MDC is steeped in the same political culture of intolerance violence corruption selfishness and private accumulation (‘personalisation’ of the struggle has become a cocktail for disaster’  .
However the contributions made by the MDC towards some incremental reforms over the past 15 years cannot be ignored but sadly the splits have left the party thin. To be frank at the present moment the political future of opposition politics is in intensive care unit and it needs urgent and practical solutions the results of the survey points to that.  

For me, I think most Zimbabweans have lost faith in the existing opposition parties and I posit that Zimbabwe now needs new strategies, ‘new’ ideas and thinking which will drive the next revolution.
I am not in any way obsessed with attacking the MDCT and neither do I sympathise with ZANU PF, but the fact of the matter is that the people of Zimbabwe are now tired of the opposition because of its failure to remove Mugabe from power.

Many others are no longer participating in elections because elections  have failed to bring about the change we are yearning for. The spirit of change is slowly dying down, those who have been been claiming to be leading the 'struggle' have failed to bring hope and inspire the masses. The faces have remained the same, strategies have not changed and this is an opportunity for this generation to define a new narrative.  

As proponents of democracy, we should at all times be able to  carry the obligation to tell the truth, claim no easy victories and take the masses with us on everything we do and say. Without telling the truth is not only counter-revolutionary, but a recipe for disaster which will lead us to a bottomless pit.  
It is important to note that political activity in the world is a result of conscious human action, not a supernatural phenomenon there is need for massive groundwork and mobilisation to re-energise the masses in the struggle for a social democratic state.

The MDC is not the Alpha and Omega of Zimbabwe's revolutionary politics. Many major political events have transpired in Zimbabwe without the involvement of the MDC, and to think that it is only the MDC that will carry the struggle forward is not only myopic but foolishness of the highest magnitude. Already Zimbabwe made a huge blunder and set a wrong precedence in portraying an incapable ZANU PF and lately the opposition that it cannot outgrow its individual leaders. This is an unfortunate part of our politics where it happens that both sides of political options are disastrous, thus the call for a new alternative to drive the democratic struggle.

Our greatest challenge as a born free generation is accepting the false illusion insinuations that Morgan Tsvangirai is the ‘face of the struggle’ and that Mugabe is a ‘champion of revolutionary politics’ while failing to appreciate that the struggle and politics should outgrow individuals.
There is no doubt that the environment is now ripe for a post-colonial, post-liberation, post-nationalist movement which places the people at the centre of power, participation, opportunities and material improvement?

Our rallying point is the Peoples Charter, a document of the people of Zimbabwe, hoisted by civil society and pro-democratic formations as the torchbearer that should lead Zimbabwe to total political, social and economic emancipation of all citizens. The Peoples Charter is therefore an expression of the social, political and economic will of Zimbabweans.


Blessing ‘Vuvuzela’ Vava is a defender of the Peoples Charter. He writes from Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com. Views expressed in this article are personal.

ZANU PF 2014 Congress: Mujuru Learnt Nothing and Forgot Everything

By Blessing Vava

The ZANU PF national congress is here, probably the last congress for ZANU PF’s first
Rivals-Mujuru and Mnangagwa
secretary Robert Mugabe. The much awaited congress which had been viewed by many as not just a congress, but a transitional congress (though not elective) likely to seal ZANU PF’s succession battle. The road to this congress has been boisterous, melodramatic coupled with shocks and surprises as, and since the beginning of the year it had seemed that the embattled vice president Joice Mujuru was tipped to succeed Mugabe.  With the backing of nine provinces, and the fact that she was the second secretary and vice president of the country, punters had already put their biggest bet on Mujuru to lead ZANU PF after Mugabe. It is this false postulation or rather the miscalculation on Mujuru that backfired on her after failing to understand the political dynamics in her party. The notion that she was going to be the automatic successor of Mugabe by virtue of being vice president and possibly the false assumption of popularity in the structures in ZANU PF was ill-informed.  
Those who had put their money on Joice, including the private media had ruled out Justice Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa  in the succession race because his alleged backers had been thumped in the controversial elections that saw him losing control of nine of the ten provinces of ZANU PF.

Rekindling the Memory of 2004
Rewinding the clock ten years back, Mnangagwa, the preferred choice by the provinces in 2004, was made to eat a humble pie after Mugabe controversially amended the ZANU PF constitution to pave way for Mujuru. Six of ZANU PF’s provincial chairpersons aligned to Mnangagwa were suspended and equally accused of trying to topple the ZANU PF presidium. In the process Mnangagwa failed to get the vice presidency Mujuru assuming the post at the benevolence of Mugabe. The biggest lesson that came out that time was that in ZANU PF, one does not necessarily have to be popular amongst the structures to get to the top but rather, one’s loyalty to the president that mattered.  Almost ten years down the line history has repeated itself (Mujuru), despite the backing of nine provinces has suffered the same fate.  Her allies have been purged and now facing serious treason charges.

Interestingly after the youth and women’s congresses held this year, it had seemed Mujuru was now a clear favourite with nine provinces in her back. However as it stands now the writing is now clear on the wall that VP Mujuru’s borrowed robes have waned. Most of her backers have failed to make it to the Central Committee, and like face powder all her assumed control she thought she had in the party has disappeared to an extent of even failing to secure a nomination from her district. It’s now clear that most of her backers, especially the provincial chairpersons will be watching the congress with binoculars, they won’t be part of it.

Learnt nothing and forgot Everything
Mujuru’s tragedy that she will live to regret is the failure to understand the undemocratic nature and character of the party and President Mugabe. Mujuru learnt nothing from Mugabe and the ZANU PF system of patronage and forgot that the party’s supreme decision making is embodied in the president. Here is a party and a president who has used patronage, corruption, state machinery and dictatorial tendencies to intimidate perceived enemies to stay in power at whatever cost. Mugabe thrives on fanning factionalism in the party. He has used patronage systematically to an extent that most leaders in ZANU PF are where they are because of Mugabe’s benevolence and not necessarily about their capabilities. He knows who has been doing what and how they have all acquired quick riches. The balancing act for Mugabe’s power has been the absence of a united voice within ZANU PF calling for Mugabe to step down to an extent  that factionalism has maintained his grip on power. And the history of ZANU PF in the past ten years has been a serious contestation for control of party structures (DCCs and PCCs) and ultimate succession of Mugabe.


Mujuru’s greatest blunder was the failure to locate where power resides in ZANU PF. In a dictatorship like ZANU PF power resides not in the people but in the leader who happens to be Mugabe. So the thinking by Mujuru that she will have a majority of votes at congress was not only wishful but rather foolish and misplaced. They thought Mugabe was going to act by the rules but alas he has shown them that he is the master and what he says carries the day and not otherwise.   On the 8th September 2014 Mujuru, at a Politburo Meeting boastfully challenged Opah Muchinguri to the ballot at congress as she thought she her perceived control of the structures was sufficient to retain her post and subsequently succeed Mugabe. Thus:
‘’Don’t speak — go out and fight, then you will see; Now I say to other people, if they want to take the risk, then take the risk, That is good. And I am happy to fight. But if you take the risk you also have the chance to lose.’’
Daily News 9 September 2014

Unfortunately Dr VP, it does not happen that way in the revolutionary party. The bark starts and stops with Mugabe.  ZANU PF is not a democratic party, and Mujuru herself was catapulted to the vice presidency through dictatorial means something she has easily and quickly forgotten.  Similarly in 2004, the constitution has been amended again, making this congress ‘selective’ rather than elective because the president has been given sweeping powers to choose the team he wants to work with.
In all this drama, there are some who think ZANU PF is heading for a split, possibly being orchestrated by the Mujuru faction which I believe will not happen anytime soon. The view that a post Mugabe ZANU PF is headed for a split is misplaced and fails to understand that the dominant centre of power in ZANU PF relies on patronage and the control of state power and machinery to thwart dissenting voices or rebellious elements.   Those who have fallen by the wayside including Mujuru herself will either remain in ZANU PF or if they so wish die poor because most of them are products of a patronage system and corruption. Any attempts to defy the status quo will result in some of them being persecuted or dying poor, a compromise non amongst them is willing to undertake. The current expose’ on corruption and underhand dealings by the VP is a clear reminder to her that if she decides to go against the wishes and decisions of the ‘Prince’, her actions will be complemented by serious ramifications to her person, family and business empire.

Postulating the Congress:
The outcome of the congress is almost predictable and the ZANU PF presidium will have new faces after the 7th of December.  It will be dominated by Mnangagwa loyalists namely Oppah, Mphoko and Mudenda. Mnangagwa is the front runner to succeed Mujuru in line with the recent amendments of the ZANU PF constitution.
Apart from these changes in the Presidium and Politburo respectively there is a likelihood of a cabinet reshuffle.  Most Ministers who were fingered in the plot to assassinate Mugabe will face the boot, and the list has Goche, Bhasikiti, Mutasa, Mavhaire and several other deputies will be removed but also not ruling out that one or two names will bounce back at the mercy of Mugabe, who still has 10 more direct appointments to make in the Central Committee.  The cabinet reshuffle will likely take place before Mugabe goes on his annual leave with Mujuru probably facing the axe and replaced by Emmerson Mnangagwa. The First Lady, Grace Mugabe has already indicated that the country’s vice presidents can all be men sustained by a constitutional amendment on the ZANU PF removing the gender clause. It will also be interesting to note how the congress will deal with the renegade MPs considering their centrality and designation in national legislation. Is the congress momentum going to be sustained beyond 7 December or we will witness a halt of the sackings and attempts to regroup with all party cadres?

Zimbabwe’s VP and Interim Heir
Emmerson Mnangagwa has for years been a loyalist of Mugabe having served as his Personal Assistant during the war and Mugabe’s Chief Election Agent in the 1980 and the watershed 2013 elections. Mnangagwa is believed to have rescued ZANU PF and the president after the 29 March 2008 electoral loss at the hands of the MDC by swiftly coordinating the Joint Operation Command (JOC) in the run up to the 27 June 2008 ‘run off.’ He is tipped to take over as President after Mugabe with some media reports suggesting that Mugabe told the Chinese during his state visit to that country this year that Mnangagwa was his successor.

The choice of having Mnangagwa, a hardliner is a progression of radical politics and will both preserve and strengthen Mugabe’s legacy of dictatorship and ruthlessness. Joyce Mujuru’s sympathy from the opposition and links with the West cost her dearly in the eyes of Mugabe. Mujuru is rumoured to have failed to guarantee the security of the First Family in the event of departure of the president with recordings of her voice threatening to reverse ZANU PF policy direction and international relations. Because of Mnangagwa’s proximity and loyalty to the First family makes him a good replacement to the nonagenarian leader.

This congress and the whole succession issue is about the security and future of Mugabe’s family, this is why his wife Grace has been playing a pivotal role in this power matrix. Its either she together with her allies, the Mnangagwa group are probably privy to some  alarming health records on Mugabe or maybe he wants to retire in 2015.  Hence, the spirited campaign to decimate the Mujuru group in the process throwing them further away from the succession dynamics and dealing with this issue once and for all.

The Future:
The ZANU PF congress will come and go; not even the reshuffling of cabinet will change the fortunes of this country in the not so near future. The economic woes are likely going to continue and 2015 will be a very difficult year with the continuation of the Zimbabwe-China/Russia relations with the EU being marginal. Investment partners given the preferred FDI by the Mugabe-Mnangagwa group in ZANU PF. The new incumbent will obviously consolidate power, and the template will not change the use of state apparatus to intimidate opponents, the manipulation of the country’s electoral process will continue. The Mnangagwa group will derive benefit in engineering by-elections in parliamentary seats belonging to Mujuru’s allies as a means of gauging the state and performance of the party ahead of the 2018 elections. On the whole, the 2018 elections will continue to be a no contest with the new incumbent fiercely defending his position and given the current absence of a viable opposition voice in Zimbabwe, ZANU PF’s hegemony will go unchallenged. The Mnangagwa group will need to be mindful of the ramifications of a disjointed and weakened ZANU PF in the 2018 elections possibly with the resurgence of the Bhora Musango phenomenon by disgruntled cadres.

Zvazviri!


Blessing ‘Vuvuzela’ Vava writes from Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

Succession Wars: Mugabe’s Self – Preservation in ZANU PF



By Blessing Vava

It was never a secret that President Mugabe wanted to rule Zimbabwe for life, and he never envisaged anyone other than himself to be the President of Zimbabwe as long as he is alive.
ZANLA Commander eliminated on the eve of Zimbabwe's

Independence

Since he took over as leader of ZANU in 1976, his tactics of intimidating, outwitting and eliminating political opponents and anyone who dares challenge his power is well documented. A great deceiver of our time Mugabe has used the ‘divide and rule’ tactic for self-perpetuation in power. Some quarters say he had a hand in the elimination of revolutionaries like General Josiah Tongogara, Herbert Chitepo to mention but a few and all elements he saw as an impediment in his road to his self-made ‘throne.’ Even in post-independence Zimbabwe the man’s dirty tactics of thwarting opponents are all written and told from one generation to the other. We all know how he plotted against the late Father Zimbabwe Joshua Nkomo, Dumiso Dabengwa and all the revolutionary leaders of ZAPU, as he saw Nkomo as a threat falsely labelling him a dissident. He made sure they were powerless and even unleashed the notorious Five Brigade to kill the people of Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces, all this was done to maintain his dominancy as the all-conquering leader of the Republic of Zimbabwe. One thing for sure Mugabe succeeded in his plan and most of the ZAPU leaders succumbed and, for the sake of ‘unity’ they joined Mugabe in 1987, to become ZANU PF. But over the years Mugabe never rested, his life has always been scheming and consolidating his power. Nkomo and his crew were just figureheads used under the guise of a Unity Accord signed on the 22nd of December 1987.

Pardoned by Mugabe:  Dzikamai Mavhaire
I pity the late Edison Zvogbo, who was eyeing the Presidency and even going to the extent of amending the constitution creating an Executive Presidency, possibly to enjoy the same powers after Mugabe’s departure. His mistake was thinking that Mugabe was a democrat who will at one point leave office to pave way for another leader. That was not to be, Zvobgo got demoted by Mugabe to a Minister without Portfolio. Dzikamai Mavhaire a Zvobgo ally braved the Mugabe’s ruthlessness and became the first ZANU PF senior official to call for the resignation of Mugabe. Not only was he suspended from the party, Mavhaire went into oblivion and became a pale shadow of his former self until he was pardoned by Mugabe post July 2013 when he was appointed a minister. And he was set as an example.  Mugabe has his way of managing rifts and discord within his party and always his will carries the day. Those in ZANU PF know this quite frankly. This is why both factions will be battling to bootlick him at whatever platform and expense making reassurances that he is the sole candidate at congress and that he is the party’s candidate in 2018, even if they know he is no longer capable.

The Present….
For as long as Mugabe is still the leader of ZANU PF, he determines what happens in the party and who will compose the presidium and the politburo. He enjoys these factional fights because he knows that they will be pre-occupied fighting amongst themselves and not challenging his power. In fact all factional wars in ZANU PF hover around the vice presidency and never an open contest to his post. Mugabe has used patronage and fear as his weapon to weaken members of his party. He has made them to believe (though they  do not necessarily believe) that he is the best thing ever to happen to ZANU PF.  Given a closely knit patronage system that has evolved over the past 38 years and has been supported by state sponsored ‘disciplinary’ wings none of the ZANU PF top leadership have the guts to openly challenge his post. They cannot challenge him, they might do secret meetings behind his back, but he has an effective intelligence system and he will be in the know-how of all the plots to have him out. His comments at the luncheon after the opening of the 2nd Session of the 8th Parliament are clear that Mugabe is aware of those plotting to oust him, thereby buttressing statements echoed by his wife during her ‘Meet the People Rallies’. Mugabe is not prepared to go and from his speech it was clear that he is in support of what his wife’s sentiments. However, he was trying to appear as if he is managing both sides. It is these factional battles that maintain a balance on his power as he then appears to be the mediator reigning sanity in the party; in fact some of these factional fights have been a creation of Mugabe who lies back with an eagle eye and strikes to bring sanity before they blow out of proportion.

Oppressor turns Victim…………
Dressed in borrowed robes: Joice Mujuru
As the succession plot thickens in the revolutionary party, Zimbabwe’s so-called opposition leaders and some elements within the civil society and the media have gone to the extent of openly showing their allegiance and sympathy to Joice Mujuru. How short their memory is, maybe they have forgotten that she is the Second Secretary of ZANU PF, who has been part of a corrupt government acquiring vast business empires through unscrupulous means – the ‘zamu ramai Mujuru’ case in Marange cannot be easily wished away. She was part of government during Gukurahundi, Operation Murambatsvina, 2000-2002-2008 violent elections……among numerous other crimes against socio-economic and political justice. Joice Mujuru is no saint!!! She has never on a single day condemned ZANU PF or state barbarism that is an affront to the values of the liberation struggle. Any sympathy for her is a great betrayal to what Zimbabweans have been fighting for since 1997 – a free and open developmental society where every citizen is protected by the state. We have all been fighting for a democratic country, where the rule of law is respected, a free corrupt society; however it’s difficult to separate the Dr Vice President from all the ills committed by her party. In 2004 she was used to block Mnangagwa from the post of Vice President, subsequently she was elevated by Mugabe and dressed in borrowed robes as the person to fill the post of Vice President and second secretary of ZANU PF. Like all borrowed robes, those given to Mujuru are beginning to wane down because of her ‘ambitions to unseat Mugabe.’ And as Mugabe said yesterday that come congress ZANU PF will be moving in one direction, and the same Joice will be part of it. The jostling in civic society and opposition to support Mujuru has been successful in diverting national attention from building strong political movement(s) to challenge ZANU PF in the near future. Zvazviri!

Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a defender of the Peoples Charter and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

Zimbabwe and the contagious ‘Life Presidency' Phenomenon



By Blessing Vava

The concept of leadership change and Organisational Renewal is the height of democratic
Zimbabwe and ZANU PF's Life President
practises promoting innovation, adaptability and seizing opportunities ahead of competitors. In a political organisation it seeks to integrate the aspect of introducing new ideas and revamping structures and entities in a dynamic political and contested environment. In institutions, entities and states that underpin their value system on democracy, it has been a culture that leadership is recalled expressly or voluntarily after major political events that may have a bearing on the success and progression of a political movement. In a democratic structure, open dialogue on succession as well as engagement with structures is not outlawed but enhanced. In a similar fashion leaders who have a tainted personality trait(s) would normally voluntarily disembark at the helm of a movement as a strategy to rebrand and protect the integrity of an institution Bill Clinton and Strauss Kahn are such examples, in the region Nelson Mandela’s divorce to Winnie Madikizela Mandela is one such case. In a failing political system it is normal for leadership to be recalled before congress. In some scenarios the leader would voluntarily step down after a denting political defeat that may have a dampening and demobilising effect if not divisive. In Zimbabwe leadership renewal and succession is taboo, internal democratic systems do not exist in political parties and some civil society formations.

Earlier this year the main opposition party in Zimbabwe, the Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai was plunged into turmoil following a letter penned by Elton Mangoma to party President Morgan Tsvangirai, advising the latter to step down. Thus calling for an early elective congress for the party to reflect and come up with new strategies especially after the embarrassing defeat at the hands of 90 year old Mugabe and his party ZANU PF.  The issue of leadership renewal and succession in Zimbabwe’s political movements is a hot potato. The ruling party ZANU PF’s template of ‘Life President’ has been copied by Zimbabwe’s opposition parties, cascaded and pasted to the so-called pro-democratic organisations. I hasten to say that the failure to renew leaders has had disastrous implications on solutions and ideas generation for the normative and has further weakened not only ZANU PF, but opposition parties and the civil society.  ZANU PF has had one leader since 1975, and it is the liberation’s movement’s failure to nature succession politics that has plunged Zimbabwe into a monarch. The MDCt has had Tsvangirai since 1999, same with some Zimbabwean civil society leaders flouting their constitutions to stay in power .Those who dare challenge the status quo are quickly labelled ‘enemies of progress.’


In  the MDC the calls for leadership renewal   attracted a lot of discord and violent scuffles that at its worst resulted in the physical attacks on the Deputy Treasurer Elton Mangoma and other senior officials  at the party Headquarters on Saturday 15 February 2014. Tsvangirai hung on and those who were calling for leadership renewal brokeaway from the Tsvangirai group and are now fronting a faction calling itself MDC Renewal Team.
 
Handiende...handiendewo..The two life presidents in happier times

Unlike in ZANU PF, leadership renewal is a concept enshrined in the MDCt party’s founding principles and document. And indeed it was a legitimate call that resonates with movement building and reconnecting with the masses in the face of an electoral defeat on 31st July 2013. In sticking with both moral and the party’s congressional mandate established in 1999 the party has since reneged from its founding principles, i.e. the National Working Peoples Convention of 1999, which gave birth to the party. As the Tsvangirai group is now preparing for its congress, fissures and division are already manifesting and the party will emerge weaker and further divided after the congress.

For ZANU PF the script is even much worse, Mugabe’s failure to deal with his succession is now haunting him. It’s no longer a secret that President Mugabe is now too old and whatever science, rocket or African will remake the President, the man is old and he needs rest. He has presided over chaos, dictatorship, corruption and destroyed the economic fortunes of this ‘once beautiful nation.’ Change management is a key component for healthy democracies and a preservative to institutional memory beyond individual tenancy. A good leader is seen by his ability to groom other leaders to take over after his departure, something that President Mugabe overlooked during his reign. For his selfish reasons it is all about him and no one else or maybe his wife Grace that are capable of leading.  Interestingly the recent events in the ruling party are reaching the boiling point and the writing is now clear that the party will face insurmountable problems when Mugabe is no longer in the picture. The emergence of his wife is nothing but the extension of Mugabeism in ZANU PF to protect the business empire of the first family after his departure. However, not even the ascendancy of Grace will save this raptured political outfit from demise. If we had a strong opposition 2018 was going to be a waterloo for ZANU PF. Political movements should never be personalised, leaders should come and go-that’s the essence of democracy. The events in ZANU PF are a huge lesson to opposition parties, never to idolise or immortalise rather, leaders should be seen as servants of the party and not ‘saviours.’


Blessing ‘Vuvuzela’ Vava is a defender of the Peoples Charter he writes from Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com

Bhora Mugedhi-‘ZANU PF’s own-goal’


By Blessing Vava

It is now almost a year since Zimbabwe went for polls on the 31st of July 2013 to choose a new government to run the affairs of the state for five years until the 2018 plebiscite. The ‘victory’ by ZANU PF and Mugabe was a major setback in as a far as turning around the fortunes of this country was concerned. Despite having the most sound manifesto compared to the two MDC's, Team ZANU PF, and even their economic blueprint –ZIMASSET have failed to drive the country out of economic deflation, create employment, eradicate corruption and  nepotism and revamp the economy to the pre-ESAP era. The colourful Bhora-Mugedhi campaign by ZANU PF was in fact an own-goal. With almost a year after the elections the reality donning is that ZANU PF scored an own-goal as evidenced by their cluelessness in administering the affairs of the country.  As usual and expected the government of the day lacks the gusto and gravitas to steer a turn-around of our ailing economy. The economic chaos that dominated Zimbabwe prior to its stagnation during the inclusive government has been reincarnated in less than a year post 31 July era.


Without shame ZANU-PF is now talking about the next elections to be held in 2018, already they now have brand new vehicles branded VOTE ZANU PF 2018-Ohh what a shame! The ZANU PF Chairperson Simon Khaya Moyo has of late been making noise to that his party is now preparing for the next elections. Whilst there nothing is wrong for a political party to plan ahead but there is everything wrong when the promises made during the 2013 campaign period are not fulfilled. What development theory has always argued is the non-functionality of an economy that is always in an election mood.  Not even their much talked about ZIMASSET is yet to get capital injection and already there is grandstanding on the blueprint with VP Mujuru saying ZIMASSET can only be achieved in a period of 30-40 years. The 31 July victory means that Zimbabweans gave ZANU PF a ‘mandate’ to run the affairs of government till 2018. And as such the five year period is about delivery and not a campaign period.  The ruling party should stop taking Zimbabweans for granted, we do not eat elections, and therefore this election talk before addressing what they promised to deliver for the five years preceding elections is very irresponsible and should not be tolerated. Elections cannot and should never be a pre-occupation of a ruling government, and therefore Robert Mugabe and his party should deliver period!

ZANU PF made flimsy excuses during the GNU, they complained about the lack of policy coordination in the operations of government due to what they termed ‘ideological’ and ‘irreconcilable’ differences with the two MDCs.  Logically, after the resounding victory we expect them to function as government and address the socio-economic woes bedevilling our country. However the factional fights hogging ZANU PF are now a real threat to national security, progress, and development. The inconsistencies are reminiscent of the infamous government of national unity which was characterised by such discord. In fact Zimbabwe now has three governments within one administration. It is now clear that ZANU PF is now a three legged limping creature with each leg stepping in its own direction. The divisions are palpable that there is no cohesion in policy formulation and coordination in the running of government business. Each of the factions is pre-occupied in outwitting each other ahead of congress as they position themselves for a life after Mugabe. The factions are incompatible and it will take a miracle for ZANU PF to deliver not even a resurrection to political life of Mugabe will paper the crevices unless there is a formidable opposition to the ZANU PF circus - i.e the people of Zimbabwe save themselves.

Clueless-Morgan Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti in happier times
Sadly, the whole nation seems trapped in the ZANU PF succession war, we watch with excitement as if it’s a soap opera or a football match, without the people making this ruling oligarchy accountable to deliver their mandate as government. The media again has also been directly or indirectly trapped in the ZANU PF factionalism; the state media has been a catalyst and fails to play its role as the fourth arm of the state. Basing from the stories we have been getting its easily evident that both the private and the public media is sucked deep into the ZANU PF succession fight. With the Baba Jukwa case being a classic example. Objectivity is now a thing of the past, in short Zimbabwe needs a renewed and robust media that defines and refocuses on the national agenda not this ZANU-MDC factions and Baba Jukwa which have become our daily headlines in the local media.

Zimbabwe is bigger than ZANU PF factional politics or the exposure of Baba Jukwa, this should be a time to make ZANU PF accountable in terms of delivery.  As this hullaballoo is unfolding, Zimbabwe’s opposition parties are nowhere to be seen to pressure the ZANU PF government to deliver. The petty fights within our opposition movements (which are an extension of the factional fights in ZANU PF) have somehow destroyed hope amongst Zimbabweans and again it will not be a surprise come 2018 with ZANU PF scooping over 75% of the vote by hook or crook unless real comrades come to the foe to provide leadership. Spending time in the courts fighting for asserts or cheap publicity is not in any way an item near or related to the national democratic development agenda and will never bring political and economic change to our country.  Methinks that only an organised, conscious grouping which will come up with a clear political agenda rooted in the total fulfilment of the liberation struggle and the democratic aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe as clearly articulated in the Peoples Charter will complete the revolution.

The onus therefore lies amongst the young generation to envisage an ideal Zimbabwe and decide on the future by providing strategic leadership - it will take time of course, but only if there is a resolve, national development vision and agenda, commitment, selflessness and sacrifices will a new Zimbabwe be a reality.

Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a political commentator. He writes from Chipinge and views expressed in this article are personal.