tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-14493298790621288012024-02-18T18:10:15.728-08:00The Vuvuzela TimesI write what i like...blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.comBlogger124125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-32441433445532539432021-11-18T06:13:00.005-08:002021-11-18T20:25:15.830-08:00Four years after Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s ''blocked'' transition<p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRj45Oewqdma26oenmIiKl0vCPzlTJJkiRDHn6gNMg1xND294ZoXxPoAQL1kiG4fVyQz2cySA7vq_XcshtJVPP8IL3_OrXQQtLEmj_nRpf93GzJgad95u7KlydIdwjdDUqHH28VVu3MHM/s728/Mugabe-and-mnangagwa-good-old-days.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="472" data-original-width="728" height="390" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRj45Oewqdma26oenmIiKl0vCPzlTJJkiRDHn6gNMg1xND294ZoXxPoAQL1kiG4fVyQz2cySA7vq_XcshtJVPP8IL3_OrXQQtLEmj_nRpf93GzJgad95u7KlydIdwjdDUqHH28VVu3MHM/w637-h390/Mugabe-and-mnangagwa-good-old-days.jpeg" width="637" /></a></div><i><br /><b>By Blessing I. Vava</b> </i><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The 17th of November 2017 is significant in Zimbabwe's political calendar as it marked the end of President Robert Mugabe's 37-year reign through a military coup. As we reflect on the four years since the ouster of Mugabe and the ascendancy of Emmerson Mnangagwa as the country's leader, we must discuss the progress we have made in addressing the challenges the country faced during the years that President Mugabe was in power. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">For decades, post-independence in 1980, Zimbabwe’s political and economic environment kept regressing because of the ruling ZANU PF party’s misrule and bad governance. Under President Mugabe, Zimbabwe witnessed egregious human rights abuses mainly targeted at the opposition, the media and civil society activists. The opposition was labelled as enemies, while the exercise of freedoms and rights as guaranteed in the country's constitution was gradually whittled and became a preserve to be enjoyed only by ruling party supporters. Various pieces of legislation were crafted mainly targeting the opposition, the media and civil society as the ruling government sought to limit democratic space. Laws like the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act were all enacted to target perceived opponents and silence dissent. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, without belabouring too much on the performance of the government during Mugabe's era, it is important to note that events happening in Zimbabwe currently are a sad reflection on the deceptive characters of the country's leaders who are continuing in the path of Mugabe, if not worse. It is no longer in doubt that the country’s rulers are using the law as part of an agenda to create a one-party state where the opposition and civil society are outlawed. The ‘second republic’ has gone back to history to retrieve some archaic tactics of repression such as introducing obnoxious laws like the Law and Order Maintenance Act (LOMA) of 1960 which infringed on people's freedom of association, assembly, movement and expression and the banning of political parties such as ZAPU and ZANU. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The reform promises that the coup plotters made in November 2017 ie; to restore constitutionalism and the rule of law, to end corruption and promote human rights and democracy in their imagined "Second Republic" have turned out to be a farfetched dream. The second republic has perfected the repressive apparatus under Robert Mugabe with ruthless determination. The autocracy is deepening faster making a mockery of the promises of November 2017. Already, the country has witnessed the decimation of the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC Alliance) using the courts. The courts are being used to settle political battles and instead of the judiciary acting independently and impartial they have become subservient to the ruling party's wishes painting a gloomy picture on the future of democracy in Zimbabwe. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the country adopting a new constitution in 2013, the government of Zimbabwe has failed to align old laws to the new constitution. Instead of implementing the new constitution, the government opted to amend the constitution to concentrate power in the Executive. Whilst the same government promised to do away with some bad laws such as AIPPA, POSA to mention but a few, the reality on the ground proves otherwise. VERITAS, notes that laws such as the Public Order and Security Act [POSA] were replaced with the almost identical Maintenance of Peace and Order Act; AIPPA was repealed, but the new regulations seek to maintain some of its odious aspects. Veritas further noted that Bills have been presented in Parliament to remove checks and balances on judicial appointments and to centralise power in the President.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The government continues to pay lip service to the reform agenda they promised in 2017. The most worrying thing now is the continued shrinking of the democratic space and if anything, what we are witnessing in Zimbabwe is the suspension of the constitution. Apart from the many statutory instruments which the government are busy crafting, various laws are being put in place also to regulate the operations of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and civic work in general. This should be a worrying development for citizens as the government seems determined to muzzle the freedoms of its citizens. According to an analysis by the International Center for Non-Profit Law the proposed Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill, 2021 states that The Minister has broad discretion to replace a PVO’s executive committee with provisional members, which allows the Minister to interfere with a PVO’s internal affairs. The Minister has broad discretion to require trusts registered with the High Court to stop collecting public contributions, including from outside the country, and to register under the PVO Act. This imposes double registration and restricts funding, which both violate best practices. This law threatens the existence of civil society and is a step backwards for the country's democracy and that is the very reason why citizens must resist the re-energised approaches of dealing with those perceived to be critical of the government. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">These laws are coming with a focus on the impending elections in 2023. After ZANU PF orchestrated commotion in the opposition, it is now determined to ensure that civil society is crippled. The winds of change that blew in Malawi and Zambia have left the ruling ZANU PF party in a panic mode and thus determined not to leave anything to chance. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="white-space: pre;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Looking back to four years ago when Mnangagwa delivered his inauguration speech on the 24th of November 2017 at the National Sports Stadium in Harare, one would be left wondering how quickly the tide has changed as all the commitments and promises made have proved to be empty rhetoric. Mnangagwa had started on a good note, and quoting his speech he said: “.. <i>we must, however, appreciate the fact that over the years, our domestic politics had become poisoned, rancorous and polarising. My goal is to preside over a polity and run an administration that recognises strength in our diversity as a people, hoping that this position and well-meant stance will be reciprocated and radiated to cover all our groups, organisation and communities.’</i>’ A helicopter analysis today tells a completely different story. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, the “second republic” tenure is proving that Zimbabwe is well entrenched on the same trajectory it was going under President Mugabe. The only difference is that now it is an overt military state. With the level of determination and callousness the state is dealing with the opposition and dissenting voice (particularly the broader democratic movement) the 2023 election has to be a cause for concern to Zimbabweans, the region and the international community. It is, therefore, crucial to mobilise and organise citizens to resist this dangerous trajectory the ZANU PF leadership has placed the country on. There is a need to reawaken the citizens’ agency with urgency, and the mobilisation of communities to stop the government of Zimbabwe from imposing such dangerous pieces of legislation that seek to create a one-party state. The civil society and all pro-democratic forces need to join hands and create a formidable alliance of resistance to safeguard the little that is left for the citizens to enjoy their fundamental freedoms and rights as enshrined in the constitution. It is also in the interest of regional bodies like SADC, the AU and the UN to bring to check the actions of the government of Zimbabwe which has declared war on its citizens. The laws being introduced in Zimbabwe are a clear violation of the many protocols and international statutes that Zimbabwe is a signatory to. Mnangagwa's deceit must be exposed as he is proving to be even worse than former president Mugabe. </div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><i><b>Blessing Ivan Vava writes from Chipinge. He can be contacted at blessingvava@gmail.com </b></i></p><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p>blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-57214887228535392462021-02-25T02:16:00.028-08:002021-02-25T03:12:56.237-08:00Zimbabwe’s Looting Machine: Cartels, Smugglers, Stealing Country’s Wealth<p style="text-align: justify;"> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZM7FcXSUpSOd5rWjQgZyDulaQtdPVQzw7ngGq4svn4cbRrBCkUEdzYTaFaVg7zawbOBe0zxLg05FJLVgzlrPLrT9_kr5hZmStQoayXY9MzY5pxhpiaGPNrCp0ztXllHOw76ZaC27WhqM/s2508/MC-Zimbabwe-1_-Study-of-A-Captured-state-Heywood-copy-scaled.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1254" data-original-width="2508" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZM7FcXSUpSOd5rWjQgZyDulaQtdPVQzw7ngGq4svn4cbRrBCkUEdzYTaFaVg7zawbOBe0zxLg05FJLVgzlrPLrT9_kr5hZmStQoayXY9MzY5pxhpiaGPNrCp0ztXllHOw76ZaC27WhqM/w640-h320/MC-Zimbabwe-1_-Study-of-A-Captured-state-Heywood-copy-scaled.jpg" width="640" /></a><em style="text-align: justify;">Photos: Getty Images / Waldo Swiegers / Cynthia R Matonhodze / EPA-EFE/AARON UFUMELI</em></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><em style="text-align: justify;"><br /></em></div>I<span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">n early February 2021, South Africa’s Maverick Citizen published an <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-02-09-zimbabwe-explosive-cartel-report-uncovers-the-anatomy-of-a-captured-state/">explosive report,</a> <em>Cartel Power Dynamics</em>, which dug deeper into Zimbabwe’s web of looting, illicit cross-border financial transactions by cartels causing devastating effects to the country’s economy.</span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">As Tom Burgis observed in his 2015 book, <em>The Looting Machine,</em> “Africa’s troves of natural resources were not going to be its salvation; instead, they were its curse.’’ The mAVERICK Citizen report estimated US$3 billion a year in minerals like gold and diamonds being smuggled out of the country at the expense of the national economy. Zimbabwe remains poor despite the abundance of resources a phenomenon described by Burgis (2015) as the “resource curse” as a result of systematic looting. In sequence, Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey Sachs, and Joseph Stiglitz of Columbia University in 2007 wrote, “despite the prospects of wealth and opportunity that accompany the discovery and extraction of oil and other natural resources, such endowments all too often impede rather than further balanced and sustainable development.” Zimbabwe rightly fits in this jigsaw puzzle.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">According to the Daily Maverick, the report sought to understand the extent and impact of cartels and state capture on Zimbabwe's political economy, exposing the contributing factors that have enabled these cartels to thrive. The report looked at the power structures behind cartels in Zimbabwe and analysed their impact on the economy, service delivery and long-term prospects of democratisation in Zimbabwe.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">In its findings, the study exposed three types of cartels in Zimbabwe, the first being collusive relationships between private sector companies; the second being the abuse of office by public officeholders for self-enrichment, and the third and main type being collusive relationships between public officials and the private sector.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">The report also observed that these cartels thrive in Zimbabwe because of a complex mix of political, economic and social factors that create an enabling environment for cartel-based corruption. These include patronage, the militarisation of the state, unstable macroeconomic conditions, weak property rights, lack of rule of law and limited citizen agency to deal with corruption.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Overall, the study shows that cartels are deeply entrenched in many parts of Zimbabwean life and recommended for Zimbabwe to achieve economic stability there is need for cartels to be dealt with decisively.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Of interest is the exposé of President Emmerson Mnangagwa as one of the cartel ring leaders whose patronage and protection keeps cartels operating in the country. Kudakwashe Tagwirei, a businessman and advisor to President Mnangagwa, widely regarded as a key benefactor of ZANU-PF was also named amongst the fuel, agriculture and lately mining cartels and one of the key cartel bosses who is also at the centre of state capture. According to the report: <em>“Tagwirei, who falls into this paper’s categorisation of money men, deftly managed the two by financing ZANU-PF’s 2018 election campaign and gifting both Mnangagwa and Chiwenga, their spouses and several top government and ZANU-PF officials with vehicles that were imported duty-free under the Command Agriculture Program (CAP). Tagwirei was recently described by President Mnangagwa as his favourite disciple, and Vice-President Chiwenga allegedly stormed out of a ZANU-PF politburo meeting when youths accused Tagwirei of corruption.”</em></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Suffice to say, Emmerson Mnangagwa is a business partner of Tagwirei, in fact, Mnangagwa himself has said that Tagwirei is a relative – “my nephew”.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Thus, Tagwirei abuses the fact that he is in a corrupt business relationship with Mnangagwa to bully government departments and state-owned companies into illegally siphoning money from the state into their own pockets.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">With the current legislation that guarantees access to information, credible sections of the media should have identified and quantified the number of contracts Tagwirei’s companies and subsidiaries have with the state. <br /><br />Such must be revealed because there has never been one single business empire in Zimbabwe that monopolises state contracts in the manner that Tagwirei has done.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">In reality, what Zimbabwe is currently going through under Mnangagwa is a form of criminal state capture by his kinsman, Kuda Tagwirei is essentially in business with the First Family. Therefore, there is no doubt that the extent of capture is deeper than what has come out in this particular report.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Consequently, while the report drew ire from Civil society and citizens in general it is the lack of a coordinated campaign and programme of action by citizens to rise against this cancerous behaviour that is bleeding our economy. The issue seems to have died down, and how soon do Zimbabweans forget and attention has been divided to discuss Vice President Kembo Mohadi’s alleged <a href="https://www.zimlive.com/2021/02/21/mohadi-tapes-vice-president-paid-womans-tuition-and-then-asked-for-sex/">philandering escapades</a> with said subordinates. Typical of a citizenry whose consciousness has escaped and never said goodbye.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">The silence of Zimbabweans over such an issue is alarming and at this rate, we will be left with no country. This report is just the tip of the iceberg of the many scandals and grand looting by cartels who have captured the state in broad daylight.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Despite the abundance of information floating around our media has also been exposed for their lack of sophistication and rather limited investigative capacity to search for more and expose the shenanigans that have been happening over the past decades. The country has an adequate legislative framework to guarantee Zimbabweans media access to such crucial information, but there is no one to genuinely pursue such because the media is either complacent, captured or compromised.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">It is in this light that all right-thinking Zimbabweans must stand up against the Tagwirei kleptocratic syndicate because at this rate we will soon be left with no country.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">In the final analysis, I would posit that the solution to dealing with cartels and state capture is to remove ZANU PF from political power, and Zimbabweans must never be apologetic about that. However, the process in which ZANU PF will be removed from power is through elections, this is why therefore there has to be a clamour for electoral reforms to enable free and fair participation of citizens. This does not mean, however, that other means to remove a captured state will not be explored, because, under a dictatorship, electoral outcomes are not the true reflection of the people’s wishes and interests.</span></p><p><i><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;">Blessing Ivan Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted at blessingvava@gmail.com</span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><p></p>blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-53137271575336378982021-02-01T02:08:00.002-08:002021-02-01T02:08:39.706-08:00COVID-19: Africa’s wins and big losses<p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiUgjdL6H9ZgAXMRePrA-Vxq8JojiJI0RoZfh4oYXTThQP1pDZqW_7PDoPtV3XmTOMd_d-eTNn2wj3NCtX8ld6Lk0-mwNZTwejvIsXhyphenhyphenKRo-yNOU9izPqM2wn_xMeDZOelDUzKG9iX2BvY/s680/burials-680x380.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="380" data-original-width="680" height="358" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiUgjdL6H9ZgAXMRePrA-Vxq8JojiJI0RoZfh4oYXTThQP1pDZqW_7PDoPtV3XmTOMd_d-eTNn2wj3NCtX8ld6Lk0-mwNZTwejvIsXhyphenhyphenKRo-yNOU9izPqM2wn_xMeDZOelDUzKG9iX2BvY/w640-h358/burials-680x380.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /> By Blessing Vava<p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 24px;">One year after the first recorded cases of COVID-19 were reported in Wuhan, China in December 2019, the world is experiencing a second wave of the deadly COVID-19 pandemic with the emerging new variants leading to a rise in infections and deaths.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">However, even with the emergence of the new variants, the rate of infections and deaths in Africa remains low as compared to the other continents.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">The latest statistics from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control 25 January 2021 points out that Africa has recorded78,894 deaths; compared with roughly 969,992 in the Americas, 662,326 in Europe, and 324,294 in Asia.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Whereas in 2020, the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa in April predicted that the COVID-19 would spread like wildfire in Africa estimating 300,000 deaths by end of 2020, citing crowded cities where social distancing is impossible, poorly funded health sector and lack of testing facilities etc, it seems it has not happened as predicted.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Basing on the statistics, it seems the first wave of the coronavirus had less impact than predicted and to date, death rates haven’t met those worst-case scenario predictions as compared to Asia, Europe and Americas. The case-fatality ratio (CFR) for COVID-19 in Africa is lower than the global CFR.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Consequently, some theories are suggesting that those numbers might not actually reflect the reality on the ground due to a variety of reasons. Central to the argument being pushed suggest that testing for COVID-19 cases has been comparatively limited on the continent, which could be contributing to lower case numbers.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">However, as the debates continue whether COVID-19 has had much impact on the continent or not, the realities on the ground are that though still low, the second wave is claiming lives more than we anticipated and this has exposed many governments in Africa for lack of preparedness and uncoordinated response mechanisms. With previous outbreaks of Ebola and Cholera etc we are still found wanting with our lack of preparedness.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">As this is happening countries in the developed world, in particular the United States, Europe, China and Canada are running vaccination campaigns and inoculating their populations. In Africa, it seems we are always lagging behind and still negotiating with foreign governments for vaccines, why is that so? One wonders what the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, (<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">a public health agency of the African Union to support the public health initiatives of member states and strengthen the capacity of their health institutions to deal with disease threats</strong>) is doing, what are our scientists, researchers doing? Since time immemorial we have been waiting for vaccines from outside the continent and now with conspiracy theories flying around on the negative effects of the vaccines, the question still stands why Africa has been failing to come up with its own vaccines compatible to our situation. In countries like Zimbabwe, the government is said to have approached Russia and China for Covid-19 vaccines as the country battles to contain the spread of the virus which has claimed 3 cabinet Ministers in 10 days.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">COVID-19…the Case of Zimbabwe</strong></p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Whilst the country is on an extended 2 weeks hard lockdown with a 6 am to 6 pm curfew, with a surge in infections in particular in the first 2 weeks since the beginning of the year, hospitals have been failing to cope. From a public health perspective 2020, the imposed lockdowns were more proactive with concerted efforts being made to arrest the spread of the virus as compared to the current which is more or less reactive, based on the cluelessness of the Mnangagwa's administration. However, from a socio-economic angle, some would argue that the lockdowns are failing to work due to their economically destructive nature. It should be noted that the purpose of the lockdowns is to curb transmission of the virus and it should be a time for the state to prepare hospitals, source supplies and learn from treatment innovations perfected elsewhere. But instead, a lockdown which is not supported by the rolling out of a mass testing campaign, provision of personal protective equipment (PPEs), capacitating and expanding facilities, the fight against the pandemic will remain a pipe dream.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Enforcement of Lockdown</strong></p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Furthermore, concerns have been raised in the manner in which the lockdowns are being enforced, and instead of it being a mitigatory public health issue lockdowns become security issues, police heavy-handedness to those found violating the regulations. In reality, the COVID-19 lockdowns have proven to be an opportunity for insecure regimes to close the democratic space.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">In the same light, and despite the lockdown, the rate of infection is going down but deaths continue to rise with many people dying at home due to the inaccessibility of health facilities due to exorbitant fees, the lack of adequate infrastructure and equipment to treat COVID-19 patients etc.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">And as we wait for the Russia/China vaccines a government official, Robert Mudyirama, the Head of Monitoring and Evaluation in the Ministry of Health and Child Care, announced that government was failing to procure enough Covid-19 vaccines adding that of the 3 Million doses set to be acquired under the COVAX scheme, would be prioritized to frontline health care workers, ministers, Members of Parliament, the security sector and senior government officials.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">Though the government has backtracked on this announcement, such a move would not only have been shocking but very disturbing and priority should be given to high risk or vulnerable groups. In doing so, the government must ensure that there is equity, fairness in the rolling out of the vaccines and they should appropriate funds towards this initiative. The government of Zimbabwe should ensure a people-centred approach in the provision of health care, ensuring free testing, free PPEs and free vaccination should the vaccines come to the country.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">However, as it stands it seems there is no clear plan to deal with the virus despite the lockdowns. Public health facilities remain deathbeds with ill-equipped facilities, poor remuneration of the health workers etc.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">The country’s health delivery systems are dysfunctional as far as promoting the provision of core health services because of the nationwide economic decline, corruption and staff attrition.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;">It should thus be the responsibility of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, our governments and mandate to institute reforms and the creation of a Public Health Emergency Taskforce to guarantee a rapid response to outbreaks and emergencies on our continent. This should be complemented by robust mechanisms to strengthen the surveillance and response systems, as one of the major priorities.</p><p style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #333333; font-family: "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 3rem; text-align: justify;"><i>Blessing Ivan Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</i></p>blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-23162336837809694162020-04-16T01:30:00.000-07:002020-04-16T06:07:10.369-07:00"Racism in China: With friends like these does Africa need enemies?"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p><span style="font-size: 12pt;">By Blessing Vava</span></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span><img alt="There have been complaints of xenophobia over the treatment of African nationals in Guangzhou. Photo: Handout广州 " height="424" src="https://cdn.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/styles/1200x800/public/d8/images/methode/2020/04/14/71f1771a-7e19-11ea-8736-98edddd9b5ca_image_hires_144208.JPG?itok=Ah8cJxlO&v=1586846536" style="background-color: transparent; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; text-align: left;" width="640" /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;"><span style="color: #262626;">The recent photos,</span><span style="color: #262626;"> </span>videos of
African nationals, living and/or working in China, being evicted from their
homes by landlords turned away from hotels, despite
many claiming to have no recent travel history or known contact with Covid-19
patients are quite disturbing. It’s disturbing because of the default assumption that COVID 19 started from outside China, yet it emerged from within
and the world had to burden with the containment strategy on the same.<span style="color: #262626;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In some of the videos, awash on
social media, African nationals can be seen being harassed by police and others
sleeping on the streets in the cold southern Chinese city of Guangzhou. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">The unfortunate incidents have drawn ire from many parts of the continent
particularly on social media with African social media users taking turns to
attack the Chinese people, government over the racist and xenophobic actions
exhibited in Guangzhou.</span><span style="color: #363135; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"> In this regard, civil society
organisations in Africa have launched a </span><span style="color: red;"><a href="https://www.change.org/p/africa-union-open-letter-on-the-xenophobic-racist-and-inhuman-treatment-of-africans-in-china?recruiter=1075438578&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=twitter&utm_campaign=psf_combo_share_abi&utm_term=share_petition&recruited_by_id=f5aeabd0-7db1-11ea-a2d3-31f1b02877b9"><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">petition</span></a></span><span style="color: #363135; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">
to the African Union on Chinese mistreatment of Africans in China. </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The Chinese government ought to be pressured to respond adequately and
in a manner that shows they acknowledge the problem at hand. So far, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beijing's responses have been inadequate,
unconvincing and insincere.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">Incidentally,
American media and government found this as an opportune time to put a wedge
between China and Africa in their diplomatic rivalry and battle for political
and economic influence across Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
statement from the US State Department said: "It's unfortunate but not
surprising to see this kind of xenophobia toward Africans by Chinese
authorities…Anyone who watches Chinese engagement in projects across Africa
recognises this kind of abusive and manipulative behaviour." <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Several
African countries have remained mum except for a few who have released
statements in that regard. Countries like Nigeria, Uganda, South Africa and
Ghana to name a few have spoken out over what happened in China. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Zimbabwe,
a country that has aggressively pursued an active and engaged relationship with
China than other African states chose not to speak. However, the reactions so
far from African countries are weak and quite disappointing, they failed to hit
the bull straight in the eye<span class="msoIns"><ins cite="mailto:Tabani%20Moyo%20(218081273)" datetime="2020-04-16T07:54">.</ins></span>
<span class="msoIns"><ins cite="mailto:Tabani%20Moyo%20(218081273)" datetime="2020-04-16T07:54">I</ins></span>t appears as if they are also
defending the actions of the Chinese. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;">The responses by the African leadership are
worrisome as they confirm suspicions on shady deals that are happening at elite
levels without consent by African citizens. </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In a
majority of the statements, no country dared challenge the Chinese government
to at least acknowledge and apologise for the barbaric behaviour towards
African nationals. Despite<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“expressing
concern” over the incidents, our inferiority complex was exposed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One country after the other re-emphasised on
the "excellent" relations dating back to the decolonisation project
in Africa. It cannot be business as usual and this is not a very good example
of excellent relations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Posting
on his, Twitter handle yesterday April 13, 2020, the Chairperson of the African
Union Commission Moussa Faki Mahamat claimed that he had a phone call with
Chinese Foreign Minister Mr Wang Yi, who assured him of the measures<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>underway in Guangzhou to improve the situation of Africans, in line with<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>what
he termed “the strong and brotherly partnership between Africa and China.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">For how
long will Africa continue being beholden to China’s poisoned chalice, quoted in
“generosity”?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">One would
have thought that </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">Africa, through organised formations such as the
African Union and her sub-regional blocs should aim at advancing and protecting
its interests and that of its people first<span class="msoIns"><ins cite="mailto:Tabani%20Moyo%20(218081273)" datetime="2020-04-16T07:57">,</ins></span>
but it seems there is a challenge of protecting our sovereignty in the face of
a domineering imperial China. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">In response, </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Chinese officials have repeatedly
denied the stigmatisation and mistreatment of African nationals despite the
overwhelming visuals of several of these incidents captured in Guangzhou.
Several Chinese diplomats accredited to Africa had a fair share denying the
allegations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Consequently,
the <span class="msoIns"><ins cite="mailto:blessing.vava%20blessing.vava" datetime="2020-04-16T08:30"><a href="http://za.china-embassy.org/eng/fyrth/t1768779.htm">official statement</a></ins></span>
made by Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian displayed sheer
arrogance lacked an acknowledgement of what had happened and bordered on
emotional blackmail. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">While the
Chinese have been at pains to acknowledge the racial discrimination, McDonald's China apologised after a </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">video</span><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"> </span><span style="color: red;"><a href="https://twitter.com/BlackLivityCN/status/1249011762638266374"><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">went viral,</span></a></span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"> of a
McDonald's employee in Guangzhou, China, holding up a sign that read: “From now
on black people are not allowed to enter the restaurant”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Instead of
(1) issuing an apology, (2) an expression of regret (3) a commitment to
investigate the allegations (4) condemning the barbaric acts; the Chinese
Foreign Ministry went on counting fingers and toes on the number of African
countries they assisted. Overall, the response from China is disgusting,
arrogant lack sincerity and borders on </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">a stinking </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">superiority
complex with clear insinuations that China is doing Africa a big favour. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The
emphasis on mutual respect, brotherly love is not sincere as we have noticed
that the relations between China and Africa are not as even as mutual as the emphasis
being made.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">What is
happening in Guangzhou is not new, racism against Africans once hogged the
limelight in 2013 and still, no decisive action was taken. Negative attitudes
toward </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">the peoples of Nigeria </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">have been
fuelled by their alleged involvement in drug-related crime in Guangzhou, which
is a rather low bar.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In a 2014 Al Jazeera report on </span><span style="color: red;"><a href="http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2014/7/africans-in-chinachinesemigrantsinafricachinaafricarelations.html"><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">African
migrants in Guangzhou</span></a></span><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">, </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">journalist Jennifer Marsh highlighted
the plight of African migrants. She noted that “While the central government
publicly welcomes the migrants, recent draconian visa legislation has sent a
clear signal: Africans in China - even highly prosperous, educated
economic contributors — are not welcome.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;">This,
coupled with how the Chinese have treated Africans working for Chinese in
Africa in places like Nairobi and Addis Ababa shows a serious challenge in the
China-Africa relations. Several cases of racism, discrimination by the Chinese
people in Africa with an exceptional case of a<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span><span style="color: red;"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/15/world/africa/kenya-china-racism.html"><span style="color: red; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Chinese
boss in Kenya</span></a></span><span style="color: #4472c4; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: accent1;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-themecolor: text1;">comparing Africans to monkeys.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;">China's
relations with Africa have changed over the past half-century. In the
decolonisation period, China played a critical role under the internationalism of its communist principles but as China emerges as a powerful
capitalist state the relations have changed. Under the latest phase,
China-Africa relations are now dominated by the search for natural
resources and markets for its goods, in turn, African economies are
loaded with debt and nationalist leaders are now shareholders in companies.
Thus, the weak statements from African countries point out to three fundamental
narratives, Firstly, the African elites are compromised and embedded in
the soft power cocoon at Chinese business relations level and as such
in most African countries, you would notice that much of the shareholdings are
between the Chinese and local elites. Secondly, the political party
relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and ruling parties in most
African countries are very cosy, the exchange programmes and scholarships that ruling
party activists in Africa have been enjoying makes them compromised. Thirdly,
African countries are benefitting from the Chinese Belt and Road
initiative with infrastructural developments with the construction of
airports, roads, railways and the telecommunications have left African leaders
compromised and in this case, they do not have the moral standing to challenge
China. The question is, are these relations simply going to be a replica of
what Walter Rodney in the book How Europe underdeveloped Africa said about
Europe: “It was economics that determined that Europe should invest in Africa
and control the continent’s raw materials and labour. It was racism which
confirmed the decision that the form of control should be direct colonial rule,”
and in this case China. </span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">Considering
the racism it seems Africa hasn't learnt anything from Walter Rodney. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;">However,
going forward, Africa (in particular the AU, regional bodies like ECOWAS, SADC,
EAC and the civil society) must compile and document the evidence of the abuse
of Africans in this regard and speak loudly against these abuses. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>South Africa’s president Cyril Ramaphosa, in
his capacity as the Chairperson of the African Union (AU), must show leadership
and demand a public apology from the Chinese government over the racial
xenophobic attacks committed in Guangzhou and other parts of China. China must
be forced to apologise and put in place clear measures to bring this barbarism
to an end before it escalates. There is a need for genuine engagements of both
parties to ensure peace to improve people to people relations based on genuine
mutual respect. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: #FEFEFE; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;">Further
to the afore-stated, the peoples of Africa need to increase muscle as the agency in
the holding of their respective political leaders through people to people
solidarity. This is the time to consider such a move especially when African
citizens are vulnerable in economic capitals with an enslaving mindset like
China. In essence, if the AU is to be considered a serious actor in the global
polity, it needs to move with speed to facilitate for the repatriation of
African citizens, despite its Headquarters in Addis Ababa being a donation from
China. Without citizen to citizen solidarity, Africans, you stand alone! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: #FEFEFE; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-themecolor: text1;"><i><b>Blessing
Vava is a Doctoral candidate researching on China-Africa relations in the
School of Communications at the University
of Johannesburg. He writes in his personal capacity and can be contacted on
blessingvava@gmail.com</b></i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<!--EndFragment--><br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-88596522006029343172020-03-29T13:53:00.000-07:002020-03-29T15:23:51.798-07:00Covid-19: the Unheeded Ides of March and lessons for Africa<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<i>By Blessing Vava</i></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNX11bixORbAR0Xga6Qc220WdKQ3SpX93460KMDe65Vb6hRk4ricxdWH-Dp9dBwAxaQG_pkflpMBnbFa1iem6AykuXutfGBEMS9A8nVTTCZxSh1kq0aKWRHRq-Or52zwpxzs4HW5amoCg/s1600/AP_20086792395998.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1066" data-original-width="1600" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNX11bixORbAR0Xga6Qc220WdKQ3SpX93460KMDe65Vb6hRk4ricxdWH-Dp9dBwAxaQG_pkflpMBnbFa1iem6AykuXutfGBEMS9A8nVTTCZxSh1kq0aKWRHRq-Or52zwpxzs4HW5amoCg/s400/AP_20086792395998.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">“Beware the <b>ides of March</b>" — these famous words are
spoken twice in Shakespeare's play “Julius Caesar,” warning the titular
character of his assassination. The <b>event</b>, which <b>took place</b> on <b>March</b>
15, 44 B.C., has become known as an unlucky date for more than just Caesar. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Since then, the month of March, specifically the 15<sup>th</sup> has been associated with superstitious narratives and bad omens. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On March 15, 1889, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">a cyclone destroyed six warships -- three US
and three German ships -- and killed more than 200 sailors in the waters of
Apia, Samoa.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">On
March 15, 1939. Adolf Hitler ignored the<a href="https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/nazis-take-czechoslovakia" target="_blank"> Munich Pact</a> -- an agreement between Germany,
Great Britain and France that gave Germany the Sudetenland, in western
Czechoslovakia -- and invaded other parts of Czechoslovakia and that marked the
end of appeasement and further escalated tension leading toward World War II.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">More
recently, the Syrian Civil War began on <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Syrian-Civil-War/Uprising-in-Syria-2011" target="_blank">March 15, 2011</a>, when protesters took to the streets of
Daraa after a group of teens and children were arrested for writing political
graffiti. This leads to <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2013/08/27/world/meast/syria-civil-war-fast-facts/index.html" target="_blank">an estimated 400,000 Syrians</a> being killed and more
than <a href="https://www.unhcr.org/sy/protection" target="_blank">6.1
million internally displaced.</a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Most superstitions
are hundreds of years old, stemming from the <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2015/03/the-science-of-superstition/384962/"><span style="color: #0000ee;">human instinct</span></a> to attribute reasoning to the
inexplicable. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">While putting a
more particular focus on the Shakespeare play, Julius Caesar set in 44 BC, the
Roman Senate was jealous of the growing power of one of its own, Julius Caesar.
Caesar had consolidated his power by acclamation, but not by consensus. As a
result, he was assassinated on the Ides of March, 15th of March.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">The assassination
was led by one of his longtime and closest friends, Marcus Julius Brutus. The
attempt to restore the Roman Republic by assassinating an ascending 'Dictator',
backfired. The Roman Republic was forever discarded. In its place rose a
brutal, aggressive, and eventually rotten and corrupt Empire that failed. This
lesson should be held closely. We should keep it in our minds for not only the
political changes coming but also in our ways of ascertaining what strategies
to employ in our economic lives. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">As such, the tragedy that befell the Roman Emperor got me thinking in assessing the world
preparedness in dealing with Covid-19 despite the warnings with clear examples
of how the disease wreaked havoc in China. When the disease affected China, the
West and its media were reluctant and stigmatizing as they didn't see it coming
right to their doorstep. Therefore, in drawing some narratives in the wake of the deadly pandemic that has wreaked havoc globally killing many lives and
threatening human existence, William Shakespeare’s epic play provides a candid
explanation on the warnings of March which the world ignored. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">In its early
stages, the Covid-19 crisis in Italy looked nothing like a crisis. The initial
state-of-emergency declarations were met by scepticism by both the public and
many in policy circles — even though several scientists had been <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=video&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwj6vqee7LDoAhUrnuAKHebgD9oQtwIIKDAA&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DALQTdCYGISw&usg=AOvVaw2MNbl7trgew75czXMFp972"><span style="color: #0000ee;">warning of</span></a> the potential for a catastrophe for
weeks. Indeed, in late February some notable Italian politicians <a href="https://www.iltempo.it/cronache/2020/03/07/news/nicola-zingaretti-lazio-positivo-coronavirus-sto-bene-regione-lazio-partito-democratico-aperitivo-milano-instagram-1291978/"><span style="color: #0000ee;">engaged</span></a> in public handshaking in Milan to make
the point that the economy should not panic and stop because of the virus. (A
week later, one of these politicians was diagnosed with Covid-19.) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">After the
devastating effects in Wuhan, China coronavirus spread in many parts of the
world came and denialism has cost many lives and affected economies, some which
might never recover. US President Donald Trump's scepticism and denialism
around the deadly pandemic coronavirus left the world in awe and total
disbelief. The month of March has been a dreadful month with the coronavirus
spreading like veld fire in many parts of the world. On the 11<sup>th</sup> of
February 2020, Prof. Marc Lipsitch of Epidemiology, Harvard School of Public
Health warned; “This is really a global problem that’s not going to go away in a
week or two. What makes this one perhaps harder to control than SARS is that it
may be possible to transmit before you are sick. I<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>think we should be prepared for the
equivalent of a very, very bad flu season, or maybe the worst-ever flu season
in modern times.’’ Many other experts warned.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Like Julius
Caesar's failure to heed the warnings of the Ides of March, Trump dismissed the
existence of coronavirus accusing the Democrats of politicizing the
coronavirus. He said: "Now the Democrats are politicizing the coronavirus.
You know that, right? Coronavirus. They're politicizing it ... And this is
their new hoax."</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">It should be known
that by this time, the U.S. had confirmed 60 cases of coronavirus. The CDC had
already warned the public to prepare for the virus to spread, assuring them
that this was not a hoax. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">On the 18th of
March, in typical Trump’s fashion, the American president failed to hold his
loose tongue stigmatizing the pandemic as a Chinese virus. "I always
treated the Chinese Virus very seriously, and have done a very good job from
the beginning, including my very early decision to close the 'borders' from
China—against the wishes of almost all. Many lives were saved. The Fake News
new narrative is disgraceful & false!" </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Trump was urged to
stop calling COVID-19 the "Chinese Virus," a term he has <a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1240243188708839424"><span style="color: #0000ee;">used repeatedly</span></a> and that some have <span style="color: #0000ee;">called racist</span> and dangerous. And many
public health experts have criticized the administration's lack of preparation
and failure to act quickly when the virus was first recognized. Despite Trump's
denials, the US has surpassed China in terms of the number of infections. A
warning to Trump that indeed, the ides of March have come and they have not
gone! </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the global
south, we equally had our share of madness and denialism with Zimbabwe, top
government officials Zimbabwe's Minister of Defence and war veterans, Oppah
Muchinguri-Kashiri, making dangerous claims that the coronavirus was unleashed
by God to deal with US President Donald Trump and other Western countries for
imposing sanctions on Zimbabwe.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Speaking at a
Zanu-PF meeting, as the party's chairperson, Muchinguri-Kashiri said:
"Coronavirus is the work of God punishing countries that imposed sanctions
on us. They are now keeping indoors. Their economies are screaming just like
they did to ours. Trump should know that he is not God." Shockingly, the
coronavirus has proved not the be a Chinese disease as Trump called it nor the
work of God to punish the countries that imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Already, the US is
now has the highest number of infections by Thursday the 26<sup>th</sup> of
March, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">confirmed coronavirus cases
in the United States reached 82,400 on Thursday, more than any other country,
overtaking both Italy and China, the Johns Hopkins University tally
showed. China had 81,782 cases, and Italy had 80,589 cases.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Zimbabwe has
already recorded a single death with some infections recorded, with infections
tallying to 7 though there are fears that they might be many infections because
the government has not been honest in their handling of information with
regards to the disease. The poor state of public health facilities, which the
ruling elites have failed to equip into modern facilities is a ticking time
bomb for the Southern African nation. For many years the masses have been clamouring
for good public health facilities but the elites left everything to deteriorate
because for them they always had alternatives to go and seek medical health
care overseas. And now with the coronavirus closing borders, ruling elites will
have to get used to going to local public health facilities they failed to prioritize.
This should be a big lesson not only for Zimbabwe but many African countries
that have been operating the same. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">As Africa respond to the spread of Covid-19
unanticipated challenges have emerged. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Resistance and social challenges exemplified by the way people are living particularly in informal settlements. The
challenges facing the majority of our people are enormous and poverty remains
one of the biggest threats to humanity in Africa. Our people are more worried
about poverty and their living conditions more than they are worried about Covid-19,
a disease some are jokingly calling a disease for the rich. African leaders
should draw many lessons from this pandemic and make consented efforts to
improve their economies and the livelihoods of their people. The resistance to
the lockdowns and other precautionary measures put in place point out to a very
complex </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">nature of our situation. The
challenge we have as Africa is how our leaders' failures to come up with
solutions that are in tandem with the realities on the ground. What we are
witnessing is just a copy and paste job and mimicry of western solutions even
with our vastly different political economy and social realities. The lockdowns
will be difficult to enforce as we have already witnessed in South Africa, and
one wonders how Zimbabwe will lockdown places like Mbare or rural areas which our
people are already flocking to. There are largely two factors that inform our economies in Africa, the first one is the rural agrarian economy and informality, therefore policy responses must speak to these issues because that's were the majority of the masses are. How are we going to deal with infections in the
rural areas with no rural system of testing, racking and isolation? </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US">In conclusion, yes, several African
countries have been putting measures to combat the spread of the disease
despite the earlier lackadaisical approach and myths that the coronavirus does
not affect Africans. Our social, political and economic realities should inform the kind of policy response mechanisms which we should employ and not mimicry of western solutions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US">Denialism and ill-preparedness costed many lives, it was wrong to ignore science and early
warnings from health experts. So, Beware, The ides of March are come, but not
gone!!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><i>Blessing Vava is a blogger who writes from Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</i></span></div>
<br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-75587842342359960622020-02-17T21:58:00.000-08:002020-02-17T23:08:58.373-08:00Armed Factions, Post-Colonial Decay and Popular Revolt? <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i>By Tinashe L. Chimedza & Tamuka C. Chirimambowa** (Guest Bloggers)</i></span></span><span style="font-family: athelas;"><i> response to Blessing Vava</i></span><br />
<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></span></b>
<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">Factional Theatrics and Elite Contests</span></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">From time to time, Zimbabwe's political landscape is
gripped by mass hysteria when the elites in charge of the state spar amongst
each other. In fits of excitement and volumes of amnesia, the citizen suddenly
becomes ahistorical. The ruling factions within ZANU PF are treated as
'foundational'. Meaning that varied and convoluted interpretations are drawn
about the tantrums emanating from the ruling class. Conclusions are drawn up
quickly, infantilism writ large, that the ruling party is fissuring, that the
kudu horn must be oiled and sounded and gather the village crier for the burial.
That these intra-party infractions are so fundamental that they can shift the
way Zimbabwe is governed. At the peak of this hysteria, mistaken as a matter of
structure, some rush to say perhaps the elites are now tearing each other up
and that perchance, not political will, the ruling class will smoulder without
organised resistance. But it was Dr Alex Magaisa who summed the ruling class in
Zimbabwe as a ‘mafioso’ and elaborated how the ruling structure is a copy and
paste extractive class centred on violence and networks of patronage and paying
tributary. But consult history, the ruling class is a stubborn collection of
power and exploitation. Down in South Africa, the architects of apartheid are
gathering force apace and denying apartheid is a crime against humanity - and
poor Thabo Mbeki muddled a response. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">For now, we turn to an <a href="https://blevava.blogspot.com/2020/02/history-on-repeatis-zanu-pf-facing.html">interesting article, written by Blessing Vava,</a> who paused whether these latest factions are a prelude to
another 'putsch'. In the article, he concluded that if the President 'buried
his head in the sand' then 'the devastating actions by cartels and corrupt businesspeople
will only serve to threaten to further destabilise Zimbabwe’ and that the
President might not finish his term of office. Others, before him, had already
jumped into the vortex, with prophecies of ‘November in February’. That was
Professor Jonathan Moyo, who has been furiously grinding his axe, getting
millstones ready and roped, salivating and ready to guillotine the architects
of the 2017 November Putsch. Blessing Vava broached the question of how
factional battles are now raging within the ruling strata in Zimbabwe but as
subsequent events showed the youth league has kissed and hugged with the party commissar
and accepted ‘party discipline’. The article was timely in the context of two
major contests. Firstly, the ruling party seems to have been gripped by
heightened instability that culminated in a series of press conferences by some
members of the youth league. Secondly, for some time now, within and outside
the ruling party there has been widespread discontent over what has been called
'state capture' and 'cartels'. People like former Minister of Finance Tendai Biti,
journalist Hopewell Chin'ono, Eddie Cross and a few others, have demonstrated
the extent to which key state institutions have been paralysed for private
gain. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">While the article identified how these factions are
playing out it seems the analysis was not carried to its more logical
conclusion so that we have a robust grasp of what these factional theatrics
portend. In this article, we want to stretch the debate further and start from
where he ended chiefly because the article parlayed with the forces in play but
ended prematurely without hammering the nail. Firstly, the ‘state capture’ in
Zimbabwe is a noticeable variation that can be distinguished from the South
African case and this is significant. In South Africa what was called state
capture was in dribs and patches meaning that there were some elements of the
state, like parts of the intelligence, the police, the military and the
judiciary, that remained outside the orbit of state capture. Secondly, in
Zimbabwe state capture turns out to be such that of a general and systematic
character that state institutions have been subdued, in whole, to the whims of
private gain with the collusion of the President and his inner circle. The President
has been at the centre of the people who are accused of state capture meaning
that for the first-time state institutions, especially the treasury and the
central bank, are now under the unfettered control of the President and his
network of patronage. What has been called 'cartels' are in fact and practice
the different tributaries that the President and his inner circle have subdued
to empty the national coffers This is why any fight against cartels is an
implicit attack on the President and his backers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">Factions and Elite Fissures in historical view </span></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">While the ZANU PF party motto is ‘peace, unity and
development’ this is far from the ruling party in practice, the party in power
has displayed arrogance of power. The party slogan might well be ‘unity’ in
grand-looting and underdevelopment, and this is because the party is unified in
looting national resources and especially the treasury. These factions will
crop up from time to time but make no mistake, like Dr Magaisa, said in one
article this is a mafia structure which allows and sometimes deliberately
allows factions to emerge as long as the tributary flows to the ‘don’. To have
a firm grasp of how the politics of factions has served the ‘emperor’ in power
we must turn to Africa’s tyrants like Robert Mugabe and Kenya’s recently
departed, Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi. When in power tyrants actively provoke,
organise, promote and use carrots and sticks to make sure there are factions
raging at each other so that they appear as the neutral ‘arbiter’. In Kenya,
for example, President Moi was known to agree to two contradicting advisory
notes and let the people with those notes run around believing they had his
ear, only to be struck down mercilessly. Confusion within the party ranks is
often a creation of the puppet master at work. Bidding time, Machiavelli way. The
master of this game was Stalin and he ruled for long, isolating once good
friends, former allies, striking them down when it suited him and in that game,
he was unforgiving. Trotsky was isolated gently, deliberately and first he
found himself exiled and when he blinked, he ended with an ice pick in his
brain. Tyrants and tyranny are patient. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">Mugabe authored and fed fat different factions
depending on the balance of forces within the ruling party. It was a deadly
game, when Solomon Mujuru blinked, he was burnt to death. A reading of
Blessing-Miles Tendi’s book <i>The Army and Politics in Zimbabwe: Mujuru, the
liberation fighter and King Maker </i>(2020), reveals how the former army
commander was dispatched when the factional wars demanded that his power be
liquidated. At one point it was Edgar Tekere who looked powerful and he was
checkmated; at another point, it was Dr Simba Makoni who seemed to gain
traction and he was forced out. The game started again, and this time Joyce
Mujuru was pitted against Emerson Mnangagwa, and eventually, the emperor showed
his hand early and was too thinly spread to swim out of the crocodile's lair -
violence. The key characteristic here was that Mugabe always successfully, using
party structures, patronage and intelligence service, resolved the factions
peacefully. When one faction appeared weak, he urged it on and when the other
faction appeared powerful, he struck them down mercilessly and pushed them out
of the party. Mugabe was able to play this game until the fateful putsch of November
2017 which carted him off and ended these long-running shenanigans. This time
when he struck down the 'Lacoste faction' he exposed his hand thinly and
underestimated the way the Vice President had marshalled the gun and tanks to
his aid. For the first time in ZANU PF’s post-colonial game plays, the army was
mobilised to rescue a specific faction within the ruling party. The precedent
has now been set, that anyone who feels aggrieved in the party and can marshal
the barracks can walk into Number 1 Chancellor Avenue and announce his or her
arrival.</span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">Armed factions, Youthful Opposition and a National
revolt </span></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">So, what does this portend for Zimbabwe’s unstable
political future? <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As Blessing Vava,
pointed to, the attempt to cool down political contests through POLAD has
dismally failed. The failure of POLAD became obvious when President Thabo Mbeki
came to Zimbabwe. In a few words, POLAD has been ‘weaponised’ for three
purposes. One is to buy time within the party and state, increase authority and
allow breathing space for the President to assert his hegemony. Secondly, POLAD
is aimed at pre-emptying genuine political dialogue by ‘running’ to SADC and AU
and say ‘here we are talking’ so that Pan-African institutions are demobilised.
Thirdly, more dangerously when the broad dialogue commences POLAD members will
be so compromised, such that they will be used to ‘soil the soup’ – they will
be a choir of court camarillas doing the bidding for the paying puppet master.
This is why anyone who follows the POLAD meetings the government has been very
generous with hotels and a budget for 'anti-sanctions' is on the offer. This is
the price that tyranny is willing to pay so that when the broad dialogue
process commences there will be so much confusion in the process and tyranny
will stake its claims against the forces of progress and democracy. Apartheid
played the same game, so did white-settlerism at Lancaster, so did Mugabe in
2008.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">The President is going to work very hard to provoke
factions within the party so that he emerges as the central point or arbiter of
these factions. Put simply, the President is trying hard to be puppet master
within the party and if this happens then the President will rule unperturbed.
This scenario is unlikely because the President, as Professor Mutambara is fond
of saying, he is a 'man of minimum ability'. Within one week the youth league
went from 'radical' press conferences, well-paid banners at the media centre,
getting 'fired' from the Politburo, getting suspended from the party, trying to
organise a 'youth rally or movement', refusing to go to the party
re-habilitation school of ideology which doesn't exist and finally capitulated
when they recanted their misbehaviour and hugged the ruling league Political
Commissar. And here is what they said to the Political Commissar, 'from the
word go we have emphasised we belong to the party. And we have said we take
direction from the party' and they have finally agreed to the 'Political
Commissar counselling and he will help to correct us'. This is why any analysis
of the factions within the ruling party has to penetrate the structure of power
and how this is articulated through society, to ignore the structure of power
and its class content is to climb a greased pole of prophecy and that arena is
a death of bed on many.</span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiH-nOEZjcqnWiy2Nj6LBGbLHHTrmIUzeh-hBd6bIVd-13LjaNZjmTLSMhFBNfWiYjZtHQEAHBm-VnsggYS7O8-yFBrGjMAG181Xvla5nk1ekN9pwmgfMU_X9kxPtvD-S22s0IgvGZ2k3I/s1600/Job-Sikhala-treason-trial71e5cfa7-c5de-4a45-9486-8908d5e56401.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="431" data-original-width="768" height="222" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiH-nOEZjcqnWiy2Nj6LBGbLHHTrmIUzeh-hBd6bIVd-13LjaNZjmTLSMhFBNfWiYjZtHQEAHBm-VnsggYS7O8-yFBrGjMAG181Xvla5nk1ekN9pwmgfMU_X9kxPtvD-S22s0IgvGZ2k3I/s400/Job-Sikhala-treason-trial71e5cfa7-c5de-4a45-9486-8908d5e56401.jpeg" width="400" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"> </span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">The barracks have tasted political power and the
the undisturbed sweetness of the national treasury. Slowly and solidly military
women and men have seeped into civilian state institutions where they now hold
powerful positions. And they do not hold this power for nothing; the military
is a highly regimented structure with a command and control element meaning at
any point they can be activated into operational duties. In the present set up
of ‘military-nationalists’ this has effectively subverted the constitutional
fabric in which the military is subservient to the people via elected
representatives. From the diamond fields of the Congo; the open field looting
in Marange and the repression; the billions siphoned through the Command
Agriculture grand looting scheme; the distribution and re-distribution of gold
claims; the militias used for mining and to feed the lines of patronage; the
deliberate controlling of the foreign currency market and running opaque
preference allocation system for cronies; the comrades of <i>Mgagao</i> are
back in full force and for the first time since the 1970s they have under them
an unprecedented amount of state, party power and money. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here is how they can be summed up: </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-AU" style="color: black; font-family: "sitka heading";"><span style="font-size: small;">The Zimbabwean economy looks to many like it’s
being run by people who have no idea what they are doing. One would be forgiven
for thinking it’s run by clowns who keep making economic blunder after blunder.
But it is not. Our economy is run by top-grade criminals. Geniuses who have
mastered the art of looting and disguising it as ignorance. The biggest
beneficiaries of Zimbabwe’s economic woes is Zimbabwe’s ruling elite
(Thandekile Moyo, Daily Maverick, 18 January 2020). </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">There are three major ‘Harmattan winds’ bearing down
on the national political landscape. Unlike the West African winds that are dry
and dusty, these political tempests will re-configure the post-colonial
considerably. On one front is the determined marshalling of opposition politics
by a powerful youthful opposition leader under what has been called the 'five
fights'; on another front, a dangerously collapsing political and social life
stalked by a drought, and then a ruling party under the grip of factions with
access to the national armoury. This is an explosive hotchpotch of forces and
the grass is already very dry. In Tunisia, the self-immolation of a student
torched a popular revolt. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In Algeria self-immolations quickly set off the dispatching of a tyrant. Zimbabwe is back
into the vice-grip of the military shenanigans of the liberation days in the
1960s and 1970s; the Mgagao contests, the Badza-Nhari rebellion and what
Professor Masipula Sithole called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Struggles
within a struggle'</i>. But now, unlike then, the military-nationalists have
access, not to guerrilla arms caches, but the national armoury and if 'putsch
generals' gather outside the command structure the stage will be set for that
infamous 'tide of men' that often come in floods to seal fortunes. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">With the failure of 'elite' pacts: the 'unity government'
of 1987; the global political agreement of 2008; the Constitutional reform
process of 2013; and the putsch of 2017 it is becoming clearer that the pernicious
road to a national popular revolt is slowly being paved. Zimbabwe’s pro-democracy
forces will have to think of a broad political process, to organise and
mobilise around a project that will unite urban, rural and especially the
disaffected to reclaim the republic from the usurpers of the 'November Days'.
Here is Alex Magaisa on ZANU PF: </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-AU" style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "sitka heading";">In dealing with Zanu PF, as in dealing with the Mafia, it is
necessary to appreciate that one is not dealing with a mere organisation.
Rather, one is dealing with a way of life; the Zanu PF way of life; a
circumstance that makes the task a lot harder and also calls for entirely
different approaches to the challenges posed (Alex Magaisa, April 2017)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "sitka heading"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><span style="font-size: small;">The social, political and intellectual structural
process that morphed into the National People’s Convention in the late 1990s
and eventually, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) provides many lessons
to students of revolt and social change. Considering the generalised character
of militarism, of grand-corruption, of systemic state capture and arrogance of
power, the road to a national popular revolt has been slowly cooking. It is a
national popular revolt that can sweep the ruling elites off quickly, just like
it was in Sudan. Only then can a process of re-subduing state institutions to
the democratic constitutional fabric begin in earnest- <i>then, and then, the
people will govern. </i></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black; font-family: "athelas"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><b><span style="font-size: small;">TLChimedza and TC Chirimambowa
are Co-Editors of <i>Gravitas.</i></span></b></span><span lang="EN-AU" style="font-family: "athelas";"></span></div>
<br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-26238806227420317602020-02-12T18:40:00.001-08:002020-02-12T22:48:34.020-08:00History on repeat…is ZANU PF facing another putsch?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEht5OAmM4MpoVOsA6g7lYiUZ_0RytY5Ac6y3sKElobg06U_7EgvgsRqPYH_GMqjKhswuu3AjiQYV3T2IM5GpE2k9ThD7x1_SS1VWDi5mZds6toe9Wt3Ixo9QI-y9U358TRC84a5BIPzCaU/s1600/tagwirei.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="735" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEht5OAmM4MpoVOsA6g7lYiUZ_0RytY5Ac6y3sKElobg06U_7EgvgsRqPYH_GMqjKhswuu3AjiQYV3T2IM5GpE2k9ThD7x1_SS1VWDi5mZds6toe9Wt3Ixo9QI-y9U358TRC84a5BIPzCaU/s1600/tagwirei.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Captured? Vice President Chiwenga and Mnangagwa with business tycoon Kuda Tagwirei</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><i>By Blessing Vava</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The past few days have been quite interesting with
the developments in Zimbabwe’s ruling party ZANU PF. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The unfolding events have been triggered by a
press conference by the now-suspended two<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>ZANU PF youth leaders, Lewis Matutu (Deputy Secretary for Youth) and
Godfrey Tsenengamu (Political Commissar) naming what they allege are corrupt
cartels which have caused harm to the country’s economy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">As a result, the two, as they expected, together
with the Secretary of Youth in the ZANU PF politburo, Pupurai Togarepi were slapped
with <a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/zanu-pf-suspends-youth-leaders-for-indiscipline/">suspensions by the ZANU PF politburo for indiscipline</a> and not following
party procedure after labelling business tycoons Kuda Tagwirei, Billy
Rautenbach and Tafadzwa Musarara as corrupt. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Interestingly, Kuda Tagwirei and Billy are believed
to be close to Mnangagwa and his allies and an equivalent of South Africa’s
Gupta family, which was accused of state capture. Ironically, Kuda Tagwirei is
a member of President Mnangagwa’s <a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/kudos-to-the-presidential-advisory-council/">Presidential Advisory Committee </a>which is
amongst other things tasked with advising the President on how to turn around
the economy. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">I hasten to say that all which has been happening
has exposed President Mnangagwa’s style of leadership as anchored on deception
as well as showing that many within his party have lost confidence in his
government’s commitment to fighting corruption. The public has long dismissed the
so-called new dispensation’s efforts to fight corruption by pointing out that
it has a “catch and release” policy. I would also argue that what is happening
in ZANU PF is the re-emergence of the factions and an indication that the
centre is no longer holding.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Two days after the youth leaders were suspended,
one of them a controversial figure Godfrey Tsenengamu, who actively campaigned
against the late President Mugabe’s leadership which, at that time they
described as very warm to looters, defiantly addressed <a href="https://news.pindula.co.zw/2020/02/07/live-matutu-and-tsenengamu-press-conference/">a press conference</a> in
Harare. He threw more brickbats and vowed to escalate what he termed a fight
against corruption and tacitly describing President Mnangagwa as “surrounded by
criminals” like what the November 2017 coup announcer Sibusiso Moyo now Minister
of Foreign Affairs and International Trade said justifying the removal of
former President Mugabe from the office by the army. However, questions are
still <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>being raised; if the former youth leaders’
actions are a real war against corruption or it’s a ZANU PF factional struggle
to control the feeding trough at play. A closer look at these unfolding events
is, therefore, necessary to understand the real story behind these developments.
In this article, I will attempt to give different interpretations with regards
to the unfolding events, which can form the basis of further discussions on
this matter.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">On the first look, the recent events seem to be a dress
rehearsal typical of events preceding the November 2017 military coup when the
likes of Tsenengamu, a known Mnangagwa foot soldier were at the forefront of supporting
ED's ascendancy resulting in his suspension twice from the ruling party. Fast
forward to February 2020, it looks the current developments are a replica of
November 2017, which exiled former ZANU (PF) Politburo member and minister Prof
Jonathan Moyo likes to call a November in February. Whatever that means, February
might have ushered in an era of ZANU (PF) members joining the general
population in expressing their disappointment and frustration over the failure
by the “new dispensation” to remove the criminals which they say continue to surround
the leadership. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">On a second look, others are saying its nothing new
but one of ZANU PF's diversionary tactics that it has been employing over the
years to distract the masses from the ailing economy and pretend to be fighting
corruption. Equally, but more importantly, they are trying to distract the
progressive forces to mobilise the masses to rise against the deterioration of
the economy and high cost of living. <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2020/02/07/panicky-army-chiefs-deploy-special-forces/">A recent repor</a>t in the <i>Zimbabwe
Independent</i> reported that the Joint Operations Command (J.O.C) has been
doing joint intelligence analysis to understand the “national mood” to
assess if there can be a national revolt due to the economic hardships
experiencing the citizens. It might also be a counter-strategy, with the Tsenengamus pre-emptying a national revolt by calling for
summits. Generally, we have seen before that despite mutation of factions, ZANU
PF’s leaders are focused on power and grand looting, the factions manoeuvres
have everyone intrigued and side-tracked. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">On the third look,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>one cannot also rule out an elite discohesion within the ruling
establishment. Everything seems rehearsed, is history about to repeat itself? The
likes of Tsenengamu and Matutu might have been let loose to test the waters and
certainly, we should expect more drama. More conspiracies have been flouting
linking the youths to either Mnangagwa and Vice President Chiwenga, with
Tsenengamu vowing that their actions are neither supported by Mnangagwa and his
deputy. History has also shown us that Tsenengamu and Matutu are in a party
with a long history of using its youth as henchmen and certainly they are not
on their own. What we are now witnessing is the re-emergence of the factions
within ZANU PF and the biggest question
on many observers is who is that faction behind Tsenengamu and Matutu or they are just overzealous youths overestimating their popularity?</span><br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwfB7NI7-JJNkqEVYq0SwdWmAqn0S1Z_RGmk-vTcaR_P8d_BskveLBCv0UUcoYMWGGjvvqxL74PqtK5V-n9C23aE6CnlwDLK4LlgwK3DzPYWVcZLuaEjzMNvR0j055urWsX0DlNbcYW08/s1600/F9FA5306-66E7-47E7-A847-5014CA55CFBE_w408_r1_s.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="230" data-original-width="408" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwfB7NI7-JJNkqEVYq0SwdWmAqn0S1Z_RGmk-vTcaR_P8d_BskveLBCv0UUcoYMWGGjvvqxL74PqtK5V-n9C23aE6CnlwDLK4LlgwK3DzPYWVcZLuaEjzMNvR0j055urWsX0DlNbcYW08/s400/F9FA5306-66E7-47E7-A847-5014CA55CFBE_w408_r1_s.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Suspended ZANU PF Youth leaders Tsenengamu and Matutu addressing a press conference</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Consequently, the following statements by the
controversial war veterans leader and ZANU (PF) Politburo member Chris
Mutsvangwa after the suspension of Pupurai, Tsenengamu and Matutu, clearly
backing the claims by the suspended youth leaders. It is now clear <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that some senior ZANU (PF) leaders are also convinced
that there is a highly corrupt cabal which is very close to the centre of power,
is impoverishing the whole population and sabotaging efforts to develop the economy.
What is also apparent is that some ZANU (PF) leaders are now convinced that the
State, in particular, the praesidium has been captured by Tagwirei and Rautenbach.
What <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>remains to be seen is how some of
these ZANU (PF) leaders are going to respond to State capture: are we going to
see them making concerted efforts to fight State capture and advance the
interests of the majority or they are going to chicken out?</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">If the events of the politburo meeting are to go by
as reported in the <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2020/02/07/fresh-power-struggles-rock-zanu-pf/"><i>Zimbabwe Independent</i> </a>of the 7<sup>th</sup> of
February 2020, somehow easily point to who might be backing the suspended youth
leaders. The newspaper reported that during the politburo meeting Mnangagwa, Chiwenga,
Shiri and others wanted Tsenengamu and Matutu to be expelled whilst Mutsvangwa,
the ZANU (PF) National Chairperson Oppah Muchinguri and others were supporting
their actions and were against harsh punishments for the two. Muchinguri was angling to be the vice president on the assumption that Chiwenga was not going to come back alive after that long stay in hospital in China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> While another school of thought argues that Matutu and Tsenengamu's anger was because they were shut out of Jumbo Mine in Mazowe which Tagwirei and Emmerson Mnangagwa Junior are taking over. As such it might be more personal because they were benefitting from small scale activities </span></span><br />
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">However, Mutsvangwa’s support of the youth was also
quoted in <i>The Standard</i> newspaper dated 9 February 2020, when he said: “There
is the outrage of ZANU PF youths and their stolen prospects of a better future,
jealous of peer global fuel traders.’’ Mutsvangwa is also bitter after his <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2019/03/22/govt-blocks-us1bn-pipeline-project/">deal of a second fuel pipeline </a>from Beira to Harare was foiled and he accuses Tagwirei of being the behind because he wants to enjoy the monopoly in fuel. However, whilst Mutsvangwa backed the youth
league leaders, what will be interesting to know is whether he was representing
the war veterans or that was his personal viewpoint. If he was representing
ZANU PF what then does it mean in the balance of forces in ZANU PF and the
state. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The military’s hand is also written
all over the mess, even the exiled former Minister of Information and political
scientist Jonathan Moyo also seem to support this thesis as he posted on his
verified Twitter handle; <i>“It is unwise to call the forces behind Tsenengamu
and Matutu chancers. No institution in the Zimbabwe political landscape plans
better than the military. They’re no chancers. Often the problem is the poor
content and objectives of their plans, not their lack of planning.” </i>Considering,
for example, how the military efficiently removed the feared long term leader
Mugabe and its long active but controversial participation in politics one
cannot rule out the possibility that the army continues to be key actors in the
unfolding events. </span></div>
</div>
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<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjE2GxP-3geLQbb9HNojqR7lgBVzopSjtFnxnWrEKjcy1zuOnfM5iCHcQqxrGhoIrLwy4VLlxtxbEkeQsYQBuSUwnxMSpBqvrpNARyRgtb7Zdjz9fWKT7D2imzU3V40VK2_7T3R_G5sLc/s1600/mutsvangwa-muchinguri_586x400.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="586" height="436" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjE2GxP-3geLQbb9HNojqR7lgBVzopSjtFnxnWrEKjcy1zuOnfM5iCHcQqxrGhoIrLwy4VLlxtxbEkeQsYQBuSUwnxMSpBqvrpNARyRgtb7Zdjz9fWKT7D2imzU3V40VK2_7T3R_G5sLc/s640/mutsvangwa-muchinguri_586x400.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Faction leaders? War veterans leader Mutsvangwa and ZANU PF National Chairperson Oppah Muchinguri</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In 2017, the military claimed that they are the
stockholders in ZANU PF. The military’s interference in ZANU (PF) dates back to
the liberation struggle. For example, it has been instrumental in issuing the
Mgagao declaration that led to the ascendency of Robert Mugabe as leader of
ZANU. The military was also accused of having a hand in ousting the former Vice
President Joice Mujuru from office. Most recently the military booted out Mugabe
from power and ‘put’ Mnangagwa in office in November 2017. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The question now is whether Mnangagwa, the former
Generals Chiwenga, Shiri and others are still representing the interests of the
stockholders especially with regards to removing the criminals surrounding the
leadership? The army and war veterans like the general population are not
immune to the destructive actions of the people who are being accused of having
captured the Zimbabwe State. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">It is important to note that in what can be viewed as
panic, an unsettled Mnangagwa, who narrowly escaped from an assassination attempt
in Bulawayo in 2018 and the people behind that assassination attempt still to be arrested, continues to reshuffle
the army commanders, with the latest happening a fortnight ago. This follows last
year’s retiring of four commanders namely, Major Generals Martin Chedondo,
Douglas Nyikayaramba, Anselem Sanyatwe and Air Vice Marshal Shebba Shumbayaonda
and appointed them ambassadors a move seen at that time as an attempt to
dismantle the military base which orchestrated the coup. It was said that they
even resisted the retirements but eventually succumbed to take up their new
roles.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some pundits assert that
Mnangagwa is fearing another military coup as he fears that some senior army
commanders who were pro-Mugabe might regroup to oust him. Arguably, the current
economic decay and continued flourishing of corruption are discrediting the
justification for removing Mugabe. As the economy continues to sink with the
leadership appearing to be clueless throwing the general population, the business sector and ZANU (PF) leaders as evidenced by Matutu and Tsenegamu’s
statements into a state of despair, many people who fervently marched and
welcomed the removal of Mugabe are now regarding Mnangagwa’s as worse than
Mugabe. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Another important point is how in the first few
months after the coup, soldiers took over the presidential close security tasks
from the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), while the Zimbabwe Republic
Police were relegated to peripheral roles. However, reports suggest that the
CIO now under the leadership of Moyo a close ally of Mnangagwa is now back in
charge of Mnangagwa’s close security with privileges it enjoyed under the old
Mugabe order being restored.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Considering the widespread and high state of suffering
across Zimbabwe reports of disgruntlement of soldiers cannot be ignored, an
article by the <i>Zimbabwe Independent </i>“Hungry soldiers spark govt fears”
dated 8 November 2019 quoted military who revealed disgruntlement was at an
all-time high in the armed service, particularly within the junior ranks. In a
nutshell, we cannot overlook the military’s disappointment by the Mnangagwa
leadership which has dismally failed to turn around the economy and tackle
corruption. Thus it cannot be ruled out that the soldiers feel let down by
Mnangagwa. Tsenengamu also fired a salvo to Mnangagwa warning that power is
temporary and it can disappear any time another warning that something is
cooking and that those who orchestrated his ascendancy don’t see him as
invincible.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Therefore, what
is happening in ZANU PF is a re-emergence of the factions and a reconfiguration
of forces. The question to ask is; are we headed for a repeat of the Simba
Makoni situation? Whereby Simba Makoni was encouraged and promised
support by some party gurus that if he takes on the ZANU PF leadership and
expresses his ambitions they will join him. Simba Makoni went on to challenge
Mugabe but the party gurus developed cold feet and left Simba in cold. Only one
party stalwart the late Dumiso Dabengwa joined and the Mavambo project
collapsed like a deck of cards. If indeed Mutsvangwa and Muchinguri and the disgruntled
military cabal are the power behind Tsenegamu and Matutu, are they not going to
chicken out and leave the two in deep trouble and isolated? </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In this section, I have looked at the implications of
the actions of the youth leaders with regards to the factionalism and power
struggles in ZANU PF. The follow-up section will delve much into the content
of Tsenengamu’s press conference and its implications to ZANU PF.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Youths have lost confidence in ED’S leadership </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Here I will try to break down Tsenengamu’s press
conference and what it might mean to the developments in ZANU PF but in
particular to Mnangagwa’s leadership. As initially advertised the press conference was supposed to be addressed by both Matutu and Tsenengamu, it is the absence of Matutu at the press conference worth mentioning. Tsenengamu either could not say why his colleague was not part of the conference. Could it be that Matutu is already chickening out after realising that it might be a lone battle or he was advised to keep quiet? It is not surprising that soon he will be making a climbdown and I doubt if he will future in the events planned by Tsenengamu. Only time will tell. However, listening to Tsenengamu, one can deduce
that some youths (within the rank and file of ZANU PF) have lost confidence in
Mnangagwa’s leadership in tackling corruption and uniting Zimbabweans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tsenengamu expressed his disappointment with
his party leadership for doing nothing and not acting on their call after they
previously named and shamed corrupt officials within the ZANU PF leadership. He
added that after the expose of the corrupt leaders by the Youth league the party only responded by setting up a task force to look into the matter but
nothing has been done resulting in the taskforce dying a stillbirth. As a
result, Mnangagwa's fight against corruption is being seen as a huge failure by
some members of his party echoing the general thinking by ordinary people. A
huge blow against ED is that both the ZANU (PF) Youth League and the war
veterans who see themselves as the stockholders of Zimbabwe see his government
as captured by a corrupt cabal and not having no will to fight corruption as
looting of State resources continues unabated and cartels scale-up impoverishing
the general population with the tacit support of the government leadership
which has arguably been ignoring calls to distance itself of criminals and
cartels. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">POLAD </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The second observation is the party’s stance on the
Political Actors Dialogue (POLAD) a dialogue platform for parties whose leaders
contested the 2018 presidential elections set up by Mnangagwa. Tsenengamu
dismissed the initiative as futile adding that the only way forward for
Zimbabwe is a dialogue between the two leading political parties, ZANU PF and
the MDC Alliance while also admitting that the country’s problems are as a
result of a political crisis which the country cannot afford to ignore. It
seems this position is shared by many leaders in ZANU PF, with the likes of
Politburo member Retired Col Tshinga Dube who has also <a href="https://www.cite.org.zw/ex-minister-slams-polad-says-mnangagwa-surrounded-by-successful-failures/">openly dismissed thePOLAD</a> initiative. Tsenengamu acknowledged that some hardliners in ZANU PF are not
comfortable with a dialogue between Mnangagwa and opposition leader Nelson
Chamisa.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The ZANU PF Youth are echoing what the opposition
and many other people have said about POLAD: that it is useless and a waste of
time and resources. Then what purpose is POLAD serving? </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Tsenengamu dared Mnangagwa that he has failed to
unite Zimbabweans as the head of state with that responsibility. Tsenengamu went
on to give an ultimatum to ED that he should try to unite Zimbabweans by meeting the main
opposition party the MDC Alliance. In another salvo, Tsenengamu reminded ED <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that his victory was narrow thus he has no
justification to act as if he was overwhelmingly elected. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The third observation is the policy differences
within ZANU PF, which Tsenengamu exposes in particular on the issue of
sanctions. Tsenengamu shied away from blaming sanctions from Zimbabwe’s woes
adding that ZANU PF’s was against sanctions was rather an exercise in futility.
In a nutshell, Tsenengamu dismissed<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>efforts not to take responsibility for current mess but blame sanctions.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tsenegamu seemed to make the argument
that the government’s efforts have been a
huge failure in working hard to improve the conditions of living. Tsenengamu
argues that the government’s performance has not been satisfactory and thus ED
should be worried about that too. Tsenengamu wars that instead of suspending
the youth leaders, ED should critically introspect and acknowledge that the
lives of the people have further deteriorated during his tenure. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Burying his head in the sand and ignoring the
devastating actions by cartels and corrupt business people will only serve to
threaten to further destabilise Zimbabwe and his dream to that <i>“2030
ndinenge ndichipo”</i> into a pipedream.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Blessing<i> “Vuvuzela</i>” Vava writes from Chipinge
and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</span></div>
<br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-36613979790308375962020-01-21T15:47:00.000-08:002020-01-21T22:10:35.129-08:00Zimbabwe: Robert Mugabe's second coming <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
By Blessing Vava</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjt83hFeWuEcOLHgG1yDtLcSmVik7mOKmSbsDZGh6JWPvUBjeJqft3IN-B5rNpijYxVLvffBS_WCKHtVWSLR3vndpDviWG3Yl3vBJVLIffFERfUmUnLNdbtDENAa5kjZy4SQR3Zou3WpNQ/s1600/sally-mugabe-emmerson.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="820" data-original-width="1412" height="185" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjt83hFeWuEcOLHgG1yDtLcSmVik7mOKmSbsDZGh6JWPvUBjeJqft3IN-B5rNpijYxVLvffBS_WCKHtVWSLR3vndpDviWG3Yl3vBJVLIffFERfUmUnLNdbtDENAa5kjZy4SQR3Zou3WpNQ/s320/sally-mugabe-emmerson.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">THE
toppling from power of the late former President Robert Mugabe by the army in
November 2017 had signalled hope for many Zimbabweans, who saw his departure as
an opportunity for a rebirth of a nation and a new politics after years of one-man
rule characterised by an egoistic and opulent lifestyle and use of brute force to
silence opponents. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Though
I did not agree on the manner in which Mugabe was removed ‑ a military coup ‑ I
was one of those millions of Zimbabweans who breathed fresh air seeing the tyrant’s
back.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Mugabe
ruled Zimbabwe for 37 years with an iron fist. His personality cult had become
bigger than the country itself and he called the shots. It was his way or no
one else’s and during his reign, he nurtured a system ‑ Mugabeism ‑ a culture
which has continued to haunt Zimbabweans even in his death.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">However,
since his departure, the remnants of his rule ‑ character ‑ seems to have
morphed into his former personal assistant and successor, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">During
his first days in office, Mnangagwa promised and assured Zimbabweans and the
world at large that Zimbabwe was on the course of a new path, a new
dispensation, a Second Republic.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In
earnest, all that has proved otherwise. In fact, the old has remained, nothing
has changed and Mnangagwa has proved to be a clone of his former boss. One
would be left wondering if Mugabe is gone for real because in Mnangagwa,
Mugabe seems to have resurrected and his “spirit” is now tormenting us.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In
this short piece I will attempt to highlight some of the traits/actions that
Mnangagwa has carried over from Mugabe, proving that he is not his own man but
rather, he has copied everything from Mugabe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Annual holiday<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">As
had become the norm, Mugabe took the opportunity to go for a leave every year
around December and in early January. Mugabe would normally take his family to
the Far East on taxpayers money.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">He
cared less about the dire economic situation in the country’, whose impact could
be felt, especially around the festive season and in January.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">We
had become accustomed to that and this was also an opportunity for Mugabe to go
for his medical check-ups during this time and every year, the news would pilfer
that he had died.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Like
the current leadership, he despised local health facilities, opting for
treatment abroad, where they are better facilities, with his administration
having seen the dearth of local ones.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">While
at it, it is not common in other countries for presidents to go on leave for
that long, worse in Zimbabwe’s case, a country facing a host of problems.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">On
this one, Mnangagwa has refused to let this habit go. In typical fashion, he
has inherited it and has officially gone on leave, which runs until the end of January.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The
difference between the two though is that Mnangagwa is in the country, not
by choice though, but because he dreads being toppled through a coup should he leave
the country, as some quarters have alleged.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Shockingly,
Mnangagwa can afford to go on leave while the country is burning and a time Zimbabwe
needs leadership to deal with the socio-economic and political crises.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">However,
the 77-year-old ruler seems not to care. He has a careless tongue which
recklessly unleashes tasteless jokes about the hardships people are
encountering every day, a clear reminder that the people of Zimbabwe are on
their own.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Rallies<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Mugabe
was very fond of gatherings and took every opportunity to make sure that there
was a rally, and would use such platforms to dress down opponents and at times
pronounce government policy direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Even
with the slightest of developments locally and internationally, his party was
quick to organise rallies ‑ welcome back rallies at the airport, thank you
rallies, interface rallies, you name it and all these became synonymous during Mugabe’s
last days.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Unashamedly,
a congratulatory rally was organised at the airport upon his return after he
had assumed the rotational chairperson of the African Union.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Mnangagwa
has unashamedly continued in the same path: thank you rallies to celebrate his
2018 electoral victory were held in some provinces.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">On
September 25, he organised what was dubbed the anti-sanctions rally, which was
a call to the United States and the West to remove sanctions imposed on
Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">And
unlike Mugabe who had the numbers, Mnangagwa has found the ball tough in this
game. Unlucky for him, he does not have the appeal and has no people. Maybe
it’s his boring and choking tonation and intonation when addressing crowds
which repels people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Another
interesting observation is his earlier stance on the sanctions issue a month
after assuming office. A year later, Mnangagwa had resorted Mugabe’s
anti-sanctions narrative. So much of similarities with Mugabe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Human rights abuses /Police brutality<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Mnangagwa’s
short years in power have seen the worst in as far as police brutality, and
human rights abuses are concerned. Mugabe’s 37-year rule was characterised by
such: opposition supporters and any form of dissent were crushed using brute
force and excesses by the security forces.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">For
Mugabe, it was rule-by-fear. Mnangagwa has been moving at a much faster rate
than his predecessor. The unleashing of soldiers to quell post-election
protests in August 2018 and anti-fuel price hike protests in January 2019 is
testimony to how Mnangagwa has used Mugabe’s handbook very well. Many would remember Mugabe's boasting of violence and declarations that his party was above everything, Mnangagwa has continued with that trajectory: <o:p></o:p></span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "verdana" , "geneva" , sans-serif; font-size: 15px;">“We are the army, we are the air force, we are the police….. we determine who can do mining, we determine who can build a road. No other party can do so.” </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">While it can be argued that Mnangagwa has been a replica of Mugabe, there is no doubt that Mnangagwa has definitely surpassed Mugabe in many aspects, </span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">said Innocent Gonese, the chief whip of the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Innocent Gonese, opines: </span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">‘I know that Robert Mugabe was no good, ‘he was cruel and heartless and in spite of his array of degrees his appreciation of the laws of economics was zilch. I never thought that we could get someone worse than him.’ </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Suffice
to say, as if it’s a ritual, Mnangagwa has continued with regular trips to his
farm/rural home almost every Sunday, just as Mugabe did. The opulent lifestyle
has continued as evidenced by the hiring of private planes for international
trips, bloated delegations and, above all, politics of patronage which has seen
Mnangagwa’s making key appointments of people from his Karanga tribe. Mugabe's key appointments were dominated by his Zezuru kinsmen. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The
patronage culture has escalated the levels of bootlicking President, something
which characterised Mugabe’s reign. The more you praise the President, the more
you get rewarded handsomely. From <i>“vaMugabe muoffice” to “ED 2023,</i> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: left;">the </span><b style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: left;">more things change, the more they remain the same, </b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;">nothing
seems to change, we remain in a circle.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Blessing
Vuvuzela Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge, Zimbabwe, he can be contacted on
blessingvava@gmail.com<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-2712048987492098032020-01-20T05:16:00.000-08:002020-01-21T01:30:43.191-08:00Chinese top envoy's visit to Africa: More than what meets the eye<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">By Blessing Vava</span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjE_yivNzAKRVXVG66exfXTdV8MRv-bDgHF9gvoqnYZrISKyrQI-_JwX-_gNcX4jZfeAhekt0m89Hz2LtioiXblkXSrhbLUkmRzTrnIGmbUI8gk0H1YBoX26MWQiWnrp9uiPV2LpEPwknY/s1600/Emmerson-Mnangagwa-5-1080x600.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="1080" height="177" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjE_yivNzAKRVXVG66exfXTdV8MRv-bDgHF9gvoqnYZrISKyrQI-_JwX-_gNcX4jZfeAhekt0m89Hz2LtioiXblkXSrhbLUkmRzTrnIGmbUI8gk0H1YBoX26MWQiWnrp9uiPV2LpEPwknY/s320/Emmerson-Mnangagwa-5-1080x600.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Chinese Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Wang Yi pictured with Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Acting President General Constantino Chiwenga during his recent visit to Zimbabwe</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"></span><br />
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">The recent visit to Africa by the Chinese
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Wang<span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;"> Yi, was a pregnant diplomatic statement and reaffirms
China’s strong influence on the continent, politically and economically.</span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Although some pundits viewed
the visit </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">as a low-key event, different interpretations can,
however, be presented to decipher the meaning of Minister Wang’s visit to Africa and Zimbabwe in particular.</span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">Firstly, <span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;">the visit is a routine for a Chinese foreign minister
to visit Africa at the beginning of each year. However, this visit is
significant in the geopolitical dynamics, where the West is also trying to
exert its influence on the continent.</span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">For decades, Western imperialism had set a permanent mark on
the continent, particularly after the infamous 1884 meeting convened by the
German Chancellor Otto Eduard Leopold, better known as Otto von Bismarck, the meeting which regulated European colonisation and trade in Africa during the
New Imperialism period and marked the first Scramble for Africa.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Significantly, the Chinese minister flexed his muscles during
his</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"> <span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;">five-nation a tour that saw him visit Egypt, Djibouti, Eritrea, Burundi and Zimbabwe, meeting
foreign affairs ministers, presidents and their deputies.</span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">In Zimbabwe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa had to cut short
his holiday to meet the Chinese diplomat. Thus then shows the influence China
has on the continent.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Secondly, apart from China’s sending an indirect message to
its foes, what we can then draw from the visit, the discussions that happened
between the Chinese official and leaders of the countries visited and other of
such initiatives like <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Forum on
China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC)</span>, clearly shows the emergence of
Chinese imperialism on the continent.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Unlike the Berlin 1884 initiative, the Chinese have been
clever in their approach to exploiting Africa’s resources in the second
Scramble for Africa. </span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">The second Scramble for Africa’s raw materials has seen the West
losing its economic influence to China due to the latter’s non-interference,
mutual respect, mutual trust and mutual support.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Thirdly, for China, Africa
has been used as an area in which to challenge the West and, in particular,
America’s global hegemony. The emphasis by the Chinese of non-interference is a
direct reference and mocking of the West, in particular, America, which is constantly
accused of meddling in other countries’ internal affairs, something re-emphasised
by Minister Wang during his visit openly challenging the West to lift sanctions
against Zimbabwe.</span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"> </span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">In the same vein, the
comments made by Mr Zhao Baogang, the Chinese deputy ambassador to Zimbabwe,
while commenting on the new Parliament being constructed by the Chinese in Mt
Hampden seems to buttress my argument.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">The Chinese deputy
ambassador said that the new Parliament was important in the decolonisation of
Zimbabwe, thus casting aspersions on the former colonial master Britain.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Thus, it was also not a
coincident that United States ambassador Brian Nichols went to meet Zimbabwe’s Vice-President
Constantine Chiwenga days just after Mr Wang’s visit.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">Fourthly,
on one hand, the selection of Zimbabwe was not a coincidence, mainly because
China’s relationship with Zimbabwe has been one of the most visible in the last
decade.</span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">In
the early 2000s, Zimbabwe announced a “Look-East” policy anchored on China, with
ruling party politicians referring to China as an “all-weather friend”. In a
way, Zimbabwe is unique in Africa in that it has more aggressively pursued an
active and engaged relationship with China than other African states, hence the
visit.</span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">On
the other hand, the visit to Zimbabwe by the top Chinese diplomat was an
opportunity to show a face of unity following a diplomatic spate last year over
a dispute on Chinese assistance to Zimbabwe as well as a four years ago when
Zimbabwe kicked out all mining firms out of Chiadzwa.</span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">First, in 2016, the relationship between Harare and Beijing took a
dip after then President, the late Robert Mugabe’s government kicked out all
miners from Chiadzwa diamond mines.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Then, affected Chinese firms included Anjin and Jinan, but the
Zimbabwean government had to later bow to Chinese pressure and re-admit Anjin
back into the mining fields.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">Last
year, t<span style="background: white; letter-spacing: .35pt;">he relationship again
hit a low </span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">after Zimbabwe’s government said it had
only received US$3,6 million in aid from Beijing in 2019 ‑ 40 times lower than
the figure claimed by China.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Representatives of both countries tried to show a face of
unity despite the spat and persistently re-emphasised the friendship between
the two countries.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Speaking
at the same occasion, Minister Wang said bilateral relations between China and
Zimbabwe for the past 40 years had become “stronger and trustworthy”.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">“We
have become stronger friends and we have deeper trust in each other. We have
become even more steadfast in our commitment to bilateral co-operation.”</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Trust was lost and that’s the reason why China had to release
a statement correcting the figures of the aid they had given to Zimbabwe.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">While at it, I will however
agree with some pundits who allude that while economics remains important in
the China-Africa relationship, it’s just one part of a much broader political
and military and technological agenda.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Lastly, there is absolutely no doubt that the Chinese are a
bit annoyed by Mnangagwa’s inconsistencies in his foreign policy.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">In my opinion, I think that the Chinese are disappointed by
Mnangagwa’s dalliance with the Russians, and at some point, the British, and
that is why some pundits were now alluding to the fact that the Chinese were now
vouching for Chiwenga to take over.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">In 2017, Chiwenga led a coup just after his return from
China, toppling his long-time boss Mugabe.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Last year, he spent much of his time in the giant Asian country receiving treatment and upon his return, it was only Mr Zhao, the
Chinese deputy envoy, to receive him at Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport
in Harare.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: 0.35pt;">Could it be that the Chinese are preparing him to take over?
Hence this then explains why Mnangagwa cut his leave also to meet Minister Wang. So much has been happening behind closed doors and perhaps one can also view
this visit as a “make up” between friends who had had a fight.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: 24.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><i>Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</i></span></div>
</div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-67052660964146787782019-10-10T18:24:00.001-07:002019-10-10T18:29:24.079-07:00Xenophobia… South Africa's call to support democracy in the region?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">The recent wave of violent attacks targeting foreign nationals
living in South Africa has shattered the country’s reputation for tolerance and
goodwill. The South African government has condemned these acts of
violence but insisted that it was not xenophobia but acts of criminality.</span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">Many have blamed senior government officials for triggering
the violence due to the reckless statements they have been uttering in public.
Many would recall, President Ramaphosa’s statements during a campaign rally in
March this year when he said: "Everybody just arrives in our townships and
rural areas and set up businesses without licenses and permits. We are going to
bring this to an end.” Other leaders have chosen to blame foreign
nationals for the high rising unemployment rates and unequal distribution of
wealth in an economy that is predominantly owned by a minority, with a
high population of the impoverished black population. </span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">However, it is such reckless statements by top government
officials that cannot be ignored and the leadership has to take full
responsibility. The <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NlDmnCp3gnk">booing</a> of South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa at the memorial services of Robert Mugabe in Harare is a testimony to the
displeasure of the treatment of other nationals in South Africa. Respectfully,
President Cyril Ramaphosa issued an <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/i-have-apologised-on-your-behalf-ramaphosa-comments-after-he-was-booed-at-mugabe-memorial-20190916">apology</a> to that effect. He further <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/africa/South-Africa-apologises-to-Nigeria/4552902-5276354-4v0827/index.html">sent his emissaries with apologies to other affected African countries</a>, with Energy
Minister Jeff Radebe apologizing last week to the Nigerian President Muhammadu
Buhari, on behalf of the president. Way to go Cde President. And recently <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2019-10-10-00-buharis-visit-to-south-africa-eased-tensions-but-more-needs-to-be-done">Ramaphosa's invitation of President Buhari to South Africa</a> was seen as a gesture to ease the tension between the two countries but however, the gesture is more to do with the massaging or should I say "safeguarding" the economic ties between the two countries at the same time doing less in addressing the root cause of xenophobia. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">In light of this, trigger happy officials like <a href="https://www.enca.com/news/mashaba-unapologetic-over-xenophobic-violence">Herman Mashaba remain unapologetic over their stance against foreign nationals</a> saying he
personally does not think it is necessary for South Africa to apologize to
other African countries for the recent xenophobic attacks. In Mashaba’s parochial
mind he blames everything on foreigners, the unemployment of millions of South
African youths, the drug syndicates and other related crimes on foreigners. But
who really is to blame for the xenophobic attacks and the violence that has
been a recurrent episode in South Africa over the past 20 or so years?</span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">While not wanting to dwell much or point fingers, we can certainly
not ignore the reality that the problems facing South Africa are bigger and it
is only myopic to solely blame the country’s woes to other foreign nationals.
Economic Freedom Fighters’ leader, <a href="https://www.enca.com/news/malema-begs-forgiveness-other-africans">Julius Malema, has condemned the attacks as acts of criminality</a>. In a chilling speech at a recent press conference, Malema
had this to say: Even if we were to put all Zimbabweans and Nigerians and take
them back will still have unemployment.’’</span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;"> </span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">However, some might argue that South Africa is equally to blame
especially on how they have handled the Zimbabwean crisis. They argue that,
based on its economic and political influence in the region, South Africa is
extremely well placed to lobby for political and economic change as well as
encourage democratic practices amongst its neighbouring countries.
Yet, the successive ANC governments have failed to press Zimbabwe to have
credible elections and have covertly endorsed an illegitimate government.</span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="border: none 1.0pt; color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; padding: 0cm;">Indeed, South Africa is guilty of trying to patch up the
Zimbabwean problems with ‘Band-Aid’ solutions, including former president Thabo
Mbeki’s attempts to mediate between Mugabe’s ruling Zanu-PF and the opposition
MDC parties. Mbeki denied that Zimbabwe was in a crisis, despite evidence of
human rights abuses and election irregularities. He was effectively shielding
the country from western intervention, declaring that the Southern African
Development Community was capable of handling the situation.</span><span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br />
<span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;">Instead of turning a blind eye to failures of democracy in the region, South Africa has a duty to support the development and political
stability among neighbouring countries and not to be an island of economic
growth. After all, it’s not hard to work out that if the situation in Zimbabwe
were different fewer people would leave, and there would be fewer refugees.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<b><i><br /></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="color: #030303; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><b><i>Blessing Vava writes from Chipinge and can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</i></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<!--EndFragment--><br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-49403103217890888272019-09-10T06:07:00.001-07:002019-09-10T06:08:01.010-07:00Robert Mugabe: Hero, Victim or Villain?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
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<!--StartFragment-->
<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">By
Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPaVIFfL2XopY9z3bmaam9htR71sALZcdkCqWVNVL6TDB_wCT5kGH6C01RQkUliK4v5_6V84ztIWLKaJh_QAiTxI4t0cxSvp6hZklhxCn6sWJVgeZ-TxuICaGY3o514k8SM0Tt_k8hCGA/s1600/mugabe1974.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="317" data-original-width="250" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPaVIFfL2XopY9z3bmaam9htR71sALZcdkCqWVNVL6TDB_wCT5kGH6C01RQkUliK4v5_6V84ztIWLKaJh_QAiTxI4t0cxSvp6hZklhxCn6sWJVgeZ-TxuICaGY3o514k8SM0Tt_k8hCGA/s400/mugabe1974.jpg" width="315" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">“The good men do is oft interred with their bones” </span></i><span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">were the words of Mark Antony from his emotional speech at
Julius Caesar’s funeral. In translation, Mark Antony is saying that good deeds
often go unheralded, or even when noticed, they fade away in people’s memories
so that they die with them. It’s a means of observing that good people are
many, but that the memory of what they have done for the world often vanishes,
but those who have committed evil deeds tend to be remembered for them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">Such is
an example to describe Zimbabwe’s former president, Robert Mugabe, who died
last week in Singapore at the age of 95. His legacy has drawn a lot of debate
with contrasting narratives at any given time throughout his life and
controversial 37 years in power. Often in life, there are rarely things that
will capture people’s imaginations for very long and one has to be reminded of
them over time in to order remember.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">While
many of us were not yet born during the World Wars, we know of names like
Hitler and Stalin because of the evil things they did during these wars. Their
actions were sufficiently impactful to traumatize a generation and have
consequences for those that followed. This is how many Zimbabweans are
remembering their former president who disenfranchised a whole citizenry because
of his selfishness and grip on power. However, as the debate on Mugabe’s legacy
rages on, his story and his legacy are not different from that of Okonkwo, a
character in Chinua Achebe’s 1958 epic novel, <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">‘<a href="https://www.google.com/search?sxsrf=ACYBGNTQY7w4fkGXgz-AG4jb28JnG8Tfjw%3A1568114867419&ei=s4h3XamfGaih1fAPlNiK-AE&q=chinua+achebe+things+fall+apart+pdf&oq=chinua+achebe+things+fall+apart+pdf&gs_l=psy-ab.3...1859.3380..4840...0.0..0.332.1222.2-2j2......0....1..gws-wiz.......0i67j0j0i22i30.d9GQ0nsdyVA&ved=0ahUKEwjpxI6Nk8bkAhWoUBUIHRSsAh8Q4dUDCAs&uact=5"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Things Fall Apart.</span></a>’</b> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">An
analysis of Okonkwo’s character strikes some similarities with Mugabe, from
their upbringing until their demise. Those who read Achebe’s classic would know
of a strained father and son relationship in which Okonkwo grew up hating his
father and consciously adopted opposite ideals. As for Mugabe, his father
abandoned the family when he was 10, leaving him to deal with a mercurial and
emotionally scarred mother, according to Heidi Holland in her book: <i>Dinner with
Mugabe</i> (2008). Mugabe had a strong resentment towards his father whom at
one point he mockingly described him as a ‘polygamous’ man who abandoned them
and went to Bulawayo where he got a ‘beautiful’ woman. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This explains so much about these two’s adult
characters. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">Consequently,
Okonkwo was a man considered as a hero but ended up a villain who destroyed his
village due to his ego and a bigger than life character. His temper and violent
behavior made him mistreat his wives and others around him. Mugabe mistreated
the whole citizenry and ruthlessly dealt with his opponents and even those close to him,
for example,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Joyce Mujuru, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Edgar Tekere and Emmerson Mnangagwa, just to
mention but a few. On the other hand, Okonkwo
was single-minded in his image of manliness and abhorred pacifism. Whereas, Mugabe’s
penchant for violence is well documented such that at one point he boasted of
having degrees in violence. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">Okonkwo
fought in defence of his people and at the same time, Mugabe’s role during the liberation struggle cannot be rubbished as he led Zimbabwe to independence from white
minority rule. During the former’s time, missionaries were more villainous than
he was (Okonkwo), kidnapping the leaders without provocation and threatening to
kill them, Mugabe walked the same road.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background: white; color: #323538; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">Okonkwo
was a victim to his ignorance of other cultures and practices. However, his way
of life was the only thing he knew and the new ideas and religion that attacked
him from all angles were more than any one person could take.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mugabe’s Christian fundamentalism, moralism , and his homophobic stance are a classic example fitting this narrative.
Okonkwo, like Mugabe’s end, was tragic and in the end, the two can neither be
classified as heroes, victims or villains entirely. To sum up, Mugabe’s legacy
is a conflicted one that will be told in different narratives.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">Blessing Vava writes from Chipinge. He can be
contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<!--EndFragment--><br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-25194980910363174012019-09-10T05:50:00.000-07:002019-09-10T05:50:47.894-07:00The Diary of a Student Leader: Reflections on Mugabe’s Legacy<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
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<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: center;">
By Blessing Vava</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhW2ly4fJ5dDD7NeF9fwssu3h6_c1K41O4jWfy6kdP8YcT6Snp7mo2mn9iScBeR9EUb3W-WUGtUsdiaZkqFr3NaLzMa25MdpbI4jrrc3QmJZ3fKF654aKFPfI4hVBfpEGiq473S-JtpuJU/s1600/294248_10150334869444326_1231286548_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="212" data-original-width="320" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhW2ly4fJ5dDD7NeF9fwssu3h6_c1K41O4jWfy6kdP8YcT6Snp7mo2mn9iScBeR9EUb3W-WUGtUsdiaZkqFr3NaLzMa25MdpbI4jrrc3QmJZ3fKF654aKFPfI4hVBfpEGiq473S-JtpuJU/s400/294248_10150334869444326_1231286548_n.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<b style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">An unfateful October night</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">It was
a hot October night in 2009 and my fellow student leaders and I were taking public
transport home after celebrating the birthday of a colleague's son. In our
minds, the trip was to cap what had been a joyful day. None of us knew that
events would take an unexpected turn and we would end up in a cold jail cell.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">After
we had boarded a commuter bus at Market Square, one of the busiest
terminals in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en-route</i> to
our lower-class suburb of Glen View, we joined our fellow passengers in a
conversation about the various social, political and economic issues of the
day. In a Zimbabwe where the space for human rights was limited, people often
shied away from engaging in public discussions of politics and the government's
failures. The conversation was quite emotional and animated. Passengers
passionately and openly expressed their disgruntlement with the continued
deterioration of the economy and the subsequent ruthless clampdown on any form
of dissent.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">Robert
Mugabe, still the president at the time was refusing to concede to an inclusive
government arrangement following his loss in the 2008 presidential election to Morgan
Tsvangirai, the opposition leader who later died of cancer in 2018. One of my
colleagues loudly spoke of how Mugabe was the reason for Zimbabwe's political
crisis as he continued to undermine the parties to the conclusive government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">Some of
our fellow passengers shouted that the mere mention of Mugabe could
get everyone in the bus in trouble. Proving those words, the driver
suddenly made a U-turn and drove straight to the Harare Central Police Station.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">Upon
our arrival at the station, infamous for being the hub of arbitrary detentions,
four armed police officers who had been briefed about what had transpired
wasted no time in handcuffing us and declaring that we had committed ‘treason.’
For good two hours, we went through interrogations and severe beatings
before we were finally detained in the filthy cells.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">Some of
my colleagues were bleeding, but they were denied medical attention. What
followed was 2 nights in police custody until our release.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 13.0pt;">A
revolution betrayed</span></b><span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">This
was one of the many incidents that I encountered as a student activist under
the terrifying years of Mugabe's rule. Insulting or undermining the office of
the president was one of the most common charges used to
persecute Zimbabweans for exercising the freedom of speech guaranteed in
the constitution.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">I was
one of the hundreds of student activists arrested, beaten, detained or barred
from attending classes during Mugabe’s reign. After the formation of the opposition,
Movement for Democratic Change in 1999, in which the student movement was very
instrumental, Mugabe's heavy-handedness towards student activists in tertiary
colleges worsened. The student movement became part of the newly formed MDC
party after their grievances on the privatisation of education and generally
deteriorating macro-economic conditions had been ignored by the ruling party
ZANU PF. Student leaders and activists became prime targets of Mugabe’s
politics of repression. For the record, students were killed, some banned from
studying in Zimbabwe for life while others faced severe suspensions. All this
was part of Mugabe’s strategies to silence a critical mass- the
students. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">We felt
betrayed by Mugabe and his generation for their selfishness and greed which had
denied the youth the fruits of Zimbabwe's liberation. Economic collapse,
unemployment, corruption and abuse of power motivated me to challenge his
reign, though, it was a dangerous path to follow with disappearances, assaults
and arrests reported on a daily basis. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 13.0pt;">Yes,
Mugabe is dead: Mugabeism remains alive<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">After </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.dw.com/en/zimbabwe-ex-president-robert-mugabe-dies-at-95/a-50321834"><span style="color: #0087eb; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">Mugabe's
death was announced Friday</span></a></span><span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">, I reflected on his
legacy. This was a man who in his first years in power championed a radical
policy of education for all and to his credit, a majority of Zimbabweans from
poor backgrounds benefited. The dream of education for all by the year 2000
transmogrified into a melodramatic nightmare when Mugabe privatized and
commodified studies resulting in the denial of access to advanced schooling for
thousands of students from poor backgrounds. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">As
Mugabe's legacy continues to be debated, it would be prudent for us to ask
whether he was alone in the massive abuse of human rights that characterized
his leadership and the destruction of Zimbabwe's economy. The answer is
no. Mugabe was not alone, he represented a system of governance that I call
Mugabeism. His ouster in 2017 and the events that followed, in particular, the
1<sup>st</sup> of August 2018 post-election shooting, the 14<sup>th</sup> to 16<sup>th</sup>
of January shooting and rape allegations of women among many other rights
abuses have exposed the power behind his 37 years of terror. Zimbabwe's record
of human rights abuse continues and is worsening under leaders who attempt to
disassociate themselves from Mugabe, yet the more they run, the shadow keeps
following at the same pace.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3e3e3e; font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 11.5pt;">In the
end, Robert Mugabe died on claims of being a bitter man by those close to him
because he felt betrayed by his trusted lieutenants. In as much as Mugabe felt
betrayed, it seems his successors are continuing his legacy of human rights
violation and repression. Despite that the man has gone, he has bequeathed us the
politics of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mugabeism. For the
Zimbabwean pro-democracy movement, it remains: The Struggle Continues”!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
This is an updated version of a commissioned article which
first appeared on <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/opinion-robert-mugabes-dead-but-zimbabwes-woes-persist/a-50332260">dw.com</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a blogger from Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</div>
<!--EndFragment--><br /></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-1090358862271053742019-07-19T00:20:00.002-07:002019-07-19T02:44:05.226-07:00Only political action will remove ZANU PF from power<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;"><i>By Blessing Vava</i></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">The leaked audio featuring a conversation
between Mnangagwa’s wife Auxillia and an army commander named as one Murombo has
exposed the power struggles in the “New Dispensation” administration. In the
audio, Auxillia Mnangagwa claims that the army is trying to 'get Mnangagwa '
through’ her, clearly asserting that all is not well in the cockpit and that
the army is out to remove Mnangagwa. These revelations thus vindicate my
postulations in my previous blog article, where I warned that Zimbabwe was on
the brink of another military takeover based on Mnangagwa’s dismal failure to
handle and manage the transition, and failing to cure the coup. I posited that
the ghost of November 2017 continues to hunt us, and this is a call to the
progressive forces to layout and undertake a political programme of action to
remove ZANU PF from power.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAbQ01BMxG-0q0Xd-6S4TW7zyYMkHBBHHQxxnYpYuSUgpb3NicAKoATPqbJDPE5Pa7sPnZzzubSacdU3R2DH0BaMAiIa7BpMfF7rDfi0XaP3aLiR-aNdAj4lcKn1kcz3eU0Se6RoL6teY/s1600/Auxillia-emma.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="396" data-original-width="600" height="263" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAbQ01BMxG-0q0Xd-6S4TW7zyYMkHBBHHQxxnYpYuSUgpb3NicAKoATPqbJDPE5Pa7sPnZzzubSacdU3R2DH0BaMAiIa7BpMfF7rDfi0XaP3aLiR-aNdAj4lcKn1kcz3eU0Se6RoL6teY/s400/Auxillia-emma.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #1c1e29;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #1c1e29;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;"> It is now crystal clear that the system that
replaced Mugabe is not new at all, despite trying to decorate it with funky
terms like the “2nd Republic, New Dispensation etc.” It is as old as it was
during Mugabe, with the only new thing being the voodoo scarf which he awfully dons even in the hot Savanna temperatures and has also become
Mnangagwa’s symbol of failure. As a leader who took over from Mugabe, Mnangagwa
has so far done badly, because after securing political power, he failed to
utilize it to transform society, and most importantly the economy. To think
that this is a man who for decades wanted to be president is utterly shocking
as it has emerged that he only wanted to wear a scarf, have those endless
foreign trips and debauchery. The Mnangagwa administration sold a dummy to the
people of Zimbabwe, it failed on its promises to transform and reform the
systems of governance, improve the economy for the upliftment of the
livelihoods of Zimbabweans. To his credit, what Mnangagwa only did was to
remove an unpopular, hated and feared dictator and that change of power were
greeted with much hope and satisfaction. However, let me hasten to say
that the coup was not in any way revolutionary in character and form, though
the masses supported it, the revolutionary element was probably only limited to
the rhetoric of the military conspirators, that it was indeed a ‘’peoples revolution.’’</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">
</span></span>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">Consequently, it is correct to argue that the coup
was undue influence in the politics of Zimbabwe, in that it abrogated the
country’s supreme law, the constitution and thus compromised the spirit of
constitutionalism in Zimbabwe. It was an illegal act that should have never
happened and set a wrong precedent for our country. Dumisani Muleya, in
his article, <i>Coup: Of usurpers and judges</i> in the <i>Zimbabwe Independent</i>
of the 20th of July 2018 posited that whenever there is a military coup
anywhere in the world, the executive, legislature and judiciary — are usually
shaken to their foundations or collapse. This is largely true, particularly
when we take a closer look at the judiciary. On top of it all, since assuming
power, the actions of the coup government have equally shown a complete
disregard of the constitution based on the many illegalities that we can count
since the time of them assuming power. On the judiciary, a case in point
being the shocking High court ruling of 24 November 2017 which ruled that the
military takeover leading to ex-President Robert Mugabe's resignation was
legal, and therefore not a coup d’état. At the same time, another court ruled
that Mugabe's sacking of his former deputy, current President Emmerson
Mnangagwa was illegal and this points to fears over judicial independence.
Above all, Zimbabwe is now being governed by decrees, with the amending of some
principal legislation being done by Ministers thereby usurping the role of
parliament as what happened on S1 142 of 2019 a clear violation of the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe Act. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">However, it can also be argued that the coup was
necessary for exposing where the real power lies. Zimbabweans are now dealing
with the real power behind Mugabe’s façade, the real enemy and elephant in the
room (the military) is now right before us in full glare. There is no longer
hiding, Mugabe was just its figurehead. This then calls for revised strategies
especially for the progressive social and political forces on how to confront
this beast which is now in full glare. The regime’s propensity for the use of
force in response to peaceful protests shows that they are </span><span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; white-space: pre-wrap;">in <span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto;">panic </span></span><span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; white-space: pre-wrap;">So, their only option is fear and violence. However, they have now been exposed that in the long run if they are continually exposed the resort to brute force will expire. To date, the coup regime has surpassed Mugabe in his 37 years in power with a high number of activists being charged with treason. The threats on the deployment of the military to quell civil unrest by the minister of defence Oppah Muchinguri shows that brute force is the only language they understand. It is in this light that I argue that brutal power will have to be brought to the table of reform, force is overwhelming but it eventually wields to the people.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">In light of the prevailing situation, Zimbabwe's
progressive social and political forces need to quickly re-engage, re-mobilise,
re-organise and re-group to build an alternative country through sustained
political action. Relying on the crippling economy or some <i>Sarajevo moment</i> will
simply not work. The citizens require decisive leadership, there is no <i>Sarajevo
moment </i>waiting to happen unless there is sustained radical political action on the
ground. ZANU PF will not budge unless pressure has been mounted, otherwise, a
rush into another GNU will only be suicidal and will mark the end of opposition
politics in Zimbabwe. </span> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">Subsequently, the progressive forces must work on a
massive mobilisation programme of action, that will result in the seizure of
political power from ZANU PF. Capturing the state is as it were the premise
upon which Zimbabwe can be protected from corruption, covetousness, mediocrity,
directionless and add up to disregard of the economic interests of the people
by the current government. Anybody who accepts and considers that ZANU PF will
lead society into economic emancipation is living in Cloud cuckoo land.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto;"><i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #1c1e29;">Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a blogger who is based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</span><o:p></o:p></span></i></span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-89346350831005944862019-07-11T04:10:00.002-07:002019-07-11T04:11:28.478-07:0018 months down the line after November 2017: Are we headed for another coup?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">By Blessing Vava</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The November 2017 military coup which forced tyrant Robert Mugabe from power is still haunting Zimbabwe almost 18 months down the line. The remnants of the coup and its footprints will not disappear sooner than we expected. After topping Mugabe, Mnangagwa had an enormous task facing him trying to please his erstwhile conspirators by appointing them into the cabinet. He also attempted to cure the coup and legitimise his power through the elections. With almost 18 months after the coup, Zimbabwe has been faced with political and economic instability and the country is literally seating on a knife-edge. It seems the cart is slowly wheeling off towards the cliff, thus signalling a not so good-looking future. While there have been arguments that the coup managed to address ZANU PF internal political contradictions at the time, the passage of time has disproved that thesis. Already, the ugly head of factionalism is rearing its head and the statements of the ZANU PF Youth and Women’s league are the tell-tale signs. Already, the ground is becoming fertile for another ruction and begs again if this would not be from the barracks. But the real question would be from which section of the Barrack?</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">ED’s Missed opportunities</span></span></div>
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<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Mnangagwa has missed opportunities to “cure the coup”, particularly the failure to create stable transitional mechanisms. Mnangagwa and his co-conspirators unwittingly attempted to “cure” the coup through a manipulated “election” and this strategy have backfired and the sooner they come to terms with reality the better. Unbeknown to Mnangagwa was that the ball was in his court and he had many options to redeem himself as a unifying leader. However, his lack of foresight has exposed him as a greedy person with no strategy of moving Zimbabwe forward. One of the simplest and many options available to him at the time was calling for a genuine national dialogue of all stakeholders, not for the purposes of power-sharing but rather to chat the way forward for Zimbabwe towards political and economic reforms to address the 37-year rot created by Mugabe. This kind of dialogue would have come out with clear timelines on fundamental reforms at the same time as one of the main steps in curing the coup. It would have also helped to cool down the political temperatures and depolarise our politics. However, that did not happen, as Mnangagwa became consumed and intoxicated by power, allegedly building his power around a partisan and parochial tribal agenda. Mnangagwa has been busy focussing on consolidating his power at the expense of building a nation, forgetting Lord Acton’s warning: “Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely”.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">A regime in fear</span></span></div>
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<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"> The unfortunate and terror events of 1st of August 2018 and 14th-16th of January 2019 exposed the true colours of the Mnangagwa administration. It became apparent that the military is the underwriter and as such when their power was threatened, they resorted to their real character: violence; murder and impunity. Their actions since November 2017 typifies of a lot that is living in fear, the fear not from the opposition but amongst themselves and particularly the men in uniform. The fact that they are constantly reshuffling the command within the security forces is a testament to the heightening levels of insecurity. More so, the alleged reports indicating that the government gave soldiers RTGS$400 cushioning allowances versus RTGS$97 allocated to the rest of civil servants indicates a divide and rule strategy that seeks to pacify the army. The reasoning is all apparent to everyone: buying loyalty of the gun as a hungry soldier cannot be trusted. But the question is whether the strategy is sustainable in the long run. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Achilles’ heel of coups</span></span></div>
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<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The coup plotters justified their action of overthrowing President Mugabe’s government in November 2017 being necessitated by the need to address the economic and political crisis facing the country then. However, fast forward to Mid-2019, the situation has moved to another new level as workers’ and ordinary citizens’ earnings, pensions and savings have been eroded and withered by inflation and currency devaluation. The worsening economic conditions will most likely lead us to squabbling within the cockpit as opportunities for arbitrage decline, thus creating ripe conditions for another coup. McBride and Coulier in their 2004 paper “Crises, Coups, and Entry-deterring Reforms in Sub-Saharan Africa’’, in their analysis of coups in Africa advance reasons that generally lead to military intervention: personal greed; hope to extract once they gain power or directly control the state. This fits well in our case, as military chiefs have now become an economic class with its own distinct interests. A reading of Jabusile Shumba’s book <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-style: italic; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Zimbabwe’s Predatory State: Party, Military, Business”</span> and Richard Saunders and Tinashe Nyamunda’s book <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-style: italic; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Facets of Power: Politics, Profits and People in the Making of Zimbabwe’s Blood Diamonds” </span>give a some glimpses and insights on how this military business class has become embedded in the economy. Therefore, it is not without doubt that the coup was a 'military class project' with a personal accumulation thrust. The soldiers are now openly and actively involved in the control of the country’s mines, and other strategic points of economic interest. The military assisted transition in Zimbabwe seems to have failed to bring any meaningful change in people’s livelihoods and this is not unique, and Decaldo argues in his 1986, ‘African Studies and Military coups in Africa’ that, “the military has not been able to generate economic development”. Military assisted transitions always come on the backdrop of well-meaning rhetoric but always fall short on action. It is fast becoming clear for everyone that apart from personal accumulation and self-enrichment, the current administration is as clueless in so far as economic development is concerned. For instance, the sucking in of the Minister of State Security in the Gaika Mine in Kwekwe despite a standing court order barring the mine invaders point to a bleak economic future.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The recent ambush and guerilla-style re-introduction of the Zimbabwe Dollar and the banning of the multi-currency regime are alleged to have been done as a strategy to pacify the men and women in uniform who had started to demand being paid in American dollars to cushion them against dollarisation. The drastic measures on currency reforms have been described by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt Development (ZIMCODD) as policy inconsistencies and premature reaction on the part of the government. In their statement, ZIMCODD said instead there was a need for addressing the root cause of the current currency crisis which is, “rampant corruption, mismanagement of public finances and impunity being enjoyed by those that are fuelling the crisis through arbitrage and resource bleeding.’’ Dealing with corruption and arbitrage means taking the feeding trough away from the wannabe military capitalists and creating ructions in the cockpit; yet, not doing so, means ripening the polity for revolt. Hence, I argue that without proper reforms and a different way of doing things Zimbabwe is destined for another military coup, but this time not from the top brass but the junior ranks. There is a need for inclusivity and genuine dialogue of all stakeholders, with the genesis of all being to address the political reform agenda to boost confidence in the economy. Political reforms are essentially the roadmap to curing the coup and any short cut will have disastrous consequences. There is a dark cloud of uncertainty and fear not only amongst Zimbabweans but largely amongst those who plotted the coup, no one really knows what tomorrow is in store for them. The economic meltdown is in itself a ticking time bomb that when it explodes the whole country will be burnt. Historically, coups in their very nature do not just end without another one occurring if their initial fundamental causes are not addressed. The economy remains the Achilles’ heel, and it will just take one daring junior officer and the rest can be history.</span></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Forewarned is Forearmed!</span></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It is clear that the current trajectory by the Mnangagwa administration in dealing with the political and economic crisis facing the country will most likely lead us to another ‘military assisted transition’. The conditions that led to the November 2017 coup seem to be multiplying exponentially as each day passes and this is creating a ticking time bomb. If things are left unresolved one may not rule out another coup happening as history has shown us that if coups are not cured, they are bound to happen again. There is a need to cure the coup by embarking on drastic and genuine political and economic reforms that will enable the economy to be on its feet again.</span></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="font_8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; color: #030303; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</span></i></b></span></div>
</div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-58832954103949132042019-02-19T19:44:00.001-08:002019-02-20T08:02:05.503-08:00 Mnangagwa’s deceptive road to Armageddon<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times";">By Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times";">Zimbabwe’s
quest for a new path under the auspices of the new dispensation and reengagement
by Mnangagwa has vapoured into thin air faster than anyone could have imagined
as the country is back again under the international spotlight. The November
2017 Euphoria has fast fizzled to Armageddonian despair.</span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb7RXYc87wQYckAXrIGH_2in5mEFzFIo75eOXEc3RLSQTdlzezFGME42adQXSJtNYS7sU_lB6L13FKIwf8xpqUdgJf-iHHZVZScJM6evsofSxAhgQIeji40-JN8e9ONiNXtRPIY9Stj9Q/s1600/bob-ed.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="519" data-original-width="750" height="221" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb7RXYc87wQYckAXrIGH_2in5mEFzFIo75eOXEc3RLSQTdlzezFGME42adQXSJtNYS7sU_lB6L13FKIwf8xpqUdgJf-iHHZVZScJM6evsofSxAhgQIeji40-JN8e9ONiNXtRPIY9Stj9Q/s320/bob-ed.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times";">Mnangagwa’s
reckless and divisive utterances during the Mwenezi rally held over the weekend,
where he openly issued threats targeted at human rights lawyers and doctors
should leave any peace loving and citizens in general with opposing views worried.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mnagagwa said: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">“They told them that if anyone gets arrested, they should go to a
certain place, there are lawyers waiting to defend them “If anyone gets hurt,
they should go to a certain place, there are doctors waiting to treat them. “We
are now going after those doctors who were involved in those activities. “Those
lawyers that were inciting violence, we are now going after them. So those who
choose violence, we are prepared.”<o:p></o:p></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "times";"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><br /></i></span></div>
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<!--StartFragment--><span style="font-size: 12pt;">It </span><span style="font-family: "times"; font-size: 12.0pt;">raises
the fears that Zimbabwe has quickly slided back into that era of gross human
rights abuses, disappearance of people whose views are seen as politically
incorrect, illegal policing of fellow citizens by violent party activists
instead, one party state kind of situation, forced migration and displacement
of opposition leaders and supporters.</span><!--EndFragment-->
<br />
<span style="font-family: "times"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">After
a spirited and yet deceitful campaign portraying himself as a reformist, Mnangagwa
had indeed managed to deceive Zimbabweans and the international community. But like
the proverbial leopard that doesn’t change its spots, Mnangagwa has exposed his
true colours. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Since
the November military coup in 2017, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mnangagwa
has been trying so hard to portray the ‘good boy’ image, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that of a reformer who is determined to drive
Zimbabwe to the promised land of milk and honey. That approach was beginning to
bear fruits with appearances at Davos and at least <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘favourable’ coverage from some once hostile
international media outlets. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Mugabe’s<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>37 years iron fist rule reduced a once beautiful
nation into a pariah state <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with alarming<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>human rights abuses, bad governance, a
disappearance of the rule of law and rampant corruption by political elites.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From where we stand, today,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zimbabwe finds herself, once again in a
precarious situation with Mnangagwa’s rule under serious scrutiny, both locally
and internationally as he seems to have failed to resist dipping from book of
rules he and other leaders co-authored with Mugabe. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The recent events in the Southern African
country paint <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a gloomy picture, dashing
hopes for a new dispensation and a different path that departs from Mugabe’s pariah
days. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">I
argue that Mnangagwa missed, rather a number of ‘golden opportunities’ to
redeem himself from his horrendous past in Zimbabwe’s darkest history. The man
simply failed the test, here is why?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Firstly,
after removing Mugabe through a military coup, Mnangagwa had an opportunity of
emerging as a responsible leader ,’ to unite a divided underachieving
impoverished nation that had been polarised by hate politics, violence and
intolerance by Mugabe. In my opinion, Mnangagwa’s first port of call should
have been to call for an all-inclusive national dialogue that would initiate <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>discussions on the country’s polarised political
environment, the economy, national peace and reconciliation programme, and
re-engagements efforts after the pariah years of Mugabe’s misrule. The national
dialogue process’ thrust was to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>discuss
and lay out transitional mechanisms whose sole purpose was to deal with
electoral reforms with particular time-frames leading to a national election. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Secondly,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>just a day after the election was conducted and
before the release of results of a generally peaceful election were announced
Mnangagwa, squandered another opportunity by unleashing soldiers on the streets
of Harare resulting in the deaths of 6 innocent civilians. Even with a simmering
dispute around the results, most observer missions, particularly the African
brothers were preparing to turn a blind eye on the chicanery around the results
and endorse the election. However as the African brothers were still chuckling
behind the scenes the demon in him (Mnangagwa) suddenly flared up and he deployed
the army to kill innocent civilians who were protesting on the streets of
Harare.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With a likely endorsement from
his erstwhile African brothers, there was really no need for Mnangagwa to
deploy the army as this exposed him and put his leadership under the spotlight.
The 1<sup>st</sup> of August protest should have been dealt with differently. I
argued during that time, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mnangagwa had
literally gotten away with murder (rigging) had he not unleashed trigger happy <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>soldiers who spoiled the party for him by
killing civilians.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">As
the shootings happened, Mnangagwa did not come out in the open to take responsibility
that he had indeed deployed the army leaving many to speculate that it was his
deputy Chiwenga. It did not end there, Mnangagwa proceeded to appoint a
commission of inquiry led by former South African president, Kgalema Mothlante.
I argue that there was insincerity around the setting up of the commission. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the truth be told, the setting up of the
commission was meant to be a Public Relations (PR) exercise to ‘please’ the
international community, in particular the British and Westerners. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Equally,
the commission’s terms of reference were quite clear that it appeared a witch
hunting exercise to blame the MDC Alliance for having caused the chaos. This
then brings me to my third point, of yet another missed opportunity by
Mnangagwa, in that in the first instance he should have “consulted” all the
stakeholders <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>on the composition and
terms of reference for the commission. Rather than the backlash he got after
appointing some individuals with questionable backgrounds to be part of the
commission.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Consequently,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>despite the controversies around the composition of the commissioners,
the commission’s recommendations also presented an (fourth) opportunity around implementation.
In hindsight the fact that the recommendations are still to be implemented and
there seems to be no desire to do so. This, raises fears that it was just a
window dressing exercise and this has come out clearly from his utterances in
Mwenezi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Despite,
Mnangagwa’s outright denial that he deployed soldiers on the 1<sup>st</sup> of
August 2018 and blaming the opposition for causing the violence that happened
during the shut-down in January 2019, his shocking utterances in Mwenezi and
his interview on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">France 24</i> have
exposed him as the architect of the whole saga. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mnangagwa boasted: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">“We should be on the lookout as our enemies are not resting, but ensure
our eyes are always wide open. We will crush our enemies, and they are being
crushed.” </i>It is now quite evident, beyond any figment of doubt <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that he was well aware of the goings on and
all this is part of a wider crackdown on the main opposition, the MDC Alliance
and the civil society. To sum it all, the unfolding events in Zimbabwe show
that<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>ZANU PF is in now back to its default mode
of violence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Essentially,
the utterances by Mnangagwa in Mwenezi are a declaration that, firstly ZANU PF
is politicking about the new dispensation, secondly they are not prepared for
any reforms before the next election,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>thirdly
there is going to be more clampdown on activists, with raids on CSOs, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>fourthly rural areas are once again declared
no go areas for the main opposition and civil society. In light of these, I
also wish to highlight that the proposed meeting by the First Lady Auxillia
Mnangagwa to meet with the wives of traditional leaders, is worrisome as it might
be part of a broader strategy by ZANU PF<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>to close the rural areas in preparation for the next election in 2023. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">Therefore,
as this is happening, Zimbabweans should not look for<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>any miracle in the revival of the economy. The
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>structural economic implications of the
Mnangagwa administration are dire; there is no hope. The levels of poverty in
Zimbabwe will worsen, income has been eroded, inflation is galloping out of
control, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>industrial productivity is
slowing down (Miners scaling down), prices are off into the sky, investors are
giving Zimbabwe a wide berth and yet the party state has increased extractive
taxes. Notwithstanding Zimbabwe's political elites getting 'solidarity' from
the region the contemporary complex concoction of widening factional fights in
the political elite ranks; the widespread political polarity and the on setting
economic meltdown will slowly but surely blow Zimbabwe into another vortex of
poverty, disease and political conflict.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times";">In
conclusion, I argue that by inciting violence, the outcomes so far cement Mnangagwa’s
continued trajectory on <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mugabe’s type of
politics of a vampire state. The vampire state entails the Mugabe style of
politics: of criminalising some fellow citizens; degrees in violence; plunder
of national assets; anti-west rhetoric; nationalistic-military authoritarianism;
endless foreign trips to despotic nations, like Russia, Belarus and China in
search of elusive alternative capital; and finally living in opulence and
extravagancy whilst the nation wallows in disasters and poverty. In essence,
Mnangagwa is aligning <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>his regime with
the eastern bloc mainly to achieve, one key objective; to seek sanctuary from
the likely censure from the West, given his now resort to dictatorship, as
warned by his spokesperson, George Charamba, that the January 2019 military
crackdown was a “ foretaste of things to come”. It’s back to Armageddon!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times";">Blessing Vava is based in Shashekwa
village, Chipinge. He can be contacted on <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="mailto:blessingvava@gmail.com">blessingvava@gmail.com</a></span>,
Twitter: @blevava<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-49899745968559378142019-01-26T22:45:00.001-08:002019-01-30T05:11:49.413-08:00Tuku the versatile, all weather and all style musician (Obituary)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #454545;">Go well, Samanyanga! Fambai zvakanaka! You have left us
with troubled hearts and souls. We will remember you day and night as we mourn
and simultaneously celebrate a great life you lived, not only for yourself, but
for the community at large. It’s also a painful fact that you are
irreplaceable.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">I find an
obituary as one of the hardest assignments anyone can be tasked to do. It’s
always an agonising experience, a dark patch no one would want to stay in for
long. While one mourns, they are also trying to capture the career highlights
of the departed gallant son of the soil, which they want to share with the
world in the heat of the moment.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt;">
<span style="background: white; color: #454545;"><span style="text-align: start;">This is the ordeal that I find myself in. I am trying to turn into two
typed pages, a life of 66 music albums spanning five decades and a decent
global influence. Where do I start from on the life of Oliver “Tuku” Mtukudzi?
What can I say about him in two pages without short-changing his true account?</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #500050;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;"></span>The
best narrative I can say about Tuku’s history involves his alter-ego in the
music industry, Thomas Mapfumo, better known by his totem Mukanya. The two were
undoubtedly the best super stars that Zimbabwe ever had. They would meet, part
ways, perform together and rejoin as they kept pumping out great music to
soothe Zimbabwe’s ears.<span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEks5XovFE83Rnnz55XHZZeHEx1ARYUu6KhGij7yz-Zu_7pWsJhTpzPgi2qH4NrJ-vZBtoTp23_kQX7Ur66sVuRDOT9EC8L0hek983XdI2JHIkKJyCkiQGqPm6y0PBnS0gy7CkV9ak95A/s1600/tuku+pic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="768" data-original-width="1024" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEks5XovFE83Rnnz55XHZZeHEx1ARYUu6KhGij7yz-Zu_7pWsJhTpzPgi2qH4NrJ-vZBtoTp23_kQX7Ur66sVuRDOT9EC8L0hek983XdI2JHIkKJyCkiQGqPm6y0PBnS0gy7CkV9ak95A/s320/tuku+pic.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<div style="margin: 0px 0px 11px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; margin: 0px;"></span><span style="background-color: white; color: #454545;">As an example of the way life was in Tuku and Mukanya’s
world, it had been 14 long years of absence from Zimbabwe. Mukanya missed home
and the fans at home also missed him. He had to be home by Independence Day in
2018. The dates were set for his welcome back concert. While the supporting
acts had not been finalised, discussions were underway. We made sure to pick
only the best supporting acts for the welcome back gig.</span><br />
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">We set up a meeting in Johannesburg, South
Africa. I was the face of Chimurenga Music Company (CMC), while promotion
company Entertainment Republic was represented by Max Mugaba and Tendai Jones.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">When I arrived
at the venue of the <i>rendez vous</i>, I was shocked to meet two young
men said to be the ones organising Mukanya’s welcome back gig. What a historic
feat! For years, attempts had been made by various music promoters to bring
Mukanya to perform at home, but to no avail. At one point, flamboyant
businessman Phillip Chiyangwa was quoted by one newspaper declaring that he was
bringing the legendary artiste back to Zimbabwe, but that went nowhere. Even
former Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara tried to cajole Mukanya, but his
efforts did not yield results.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Many other
promoters tried, but in vain. So, as I sat there discussing about Mukanya’s
historic return gig, Mugaba then said: “Cde, we have Tuku as the main
supporting act. We met him in person and are excited that he said yes!”</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">This was the best news ever and I couldn’t
wait to break it. For me, it had always been a dream to have Mukanya and Tuku
share the stage and even put up a song together as the two remaining legends
(still active musicians). These were two musicians that met four decades ago at
Chogugudza’s studio in Mbare. From there, they were in the same band the Wagon
Wheels Band for a short stint. Later, each of them would embark on solo
careers.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">It was at
Chogugudza’s studio that the friendship began and it blossomed forever. The
years to follow were characterised by tension, with various imagined or
manufactured theatrics and public opinions of fictitious alleged bad blood
between the two. Some even tried comparing the two, as they fought hard to pick
the better one.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Those days, jokes were made about two of their
songs, Mukanya’s <i>Shiri Yakanaka</i> and Tuku’s <i>Chirimupoto</i>.
Before that, Mukanya had sung <i>Madhebhura</i>, while Tuku had
offered <i>Vanobvongodza Muto</i>. There were also narratives that Mukanya
had mocked Tuku over the song <i>Chirimupoto</i> as having lacked
substance and creativity. But Mukanya denied ever having made such comments and
insisted people had ulterior motives to divide him and his long time.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Consequently, some music fans, instead,
trashed Mukanya’s <i>Shiri Yakanaka</i>, which they described as his worst
composition, which they said was so divorced from his Chimurenga genre due to
its lack of depth and desultoriness. However, there would never be any public
response or comments attributed to Tuku regarding Mukanya’s alleged words. They
let the fans go on in their bliss as the music kept pumping.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Despite all
the gauzy accusations, Tuku continued reaching out to Mukanya, whom he regarded
as his real elder brother in trade. That was despite the random concern from
Mukanya that Tuku had bowed to Zanu PF, for instance on his performance at the
controversial million man march.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Also, despite Mukanya’s several interviews
expressing concerns on Tuku’s loyalty to Zanu PF, the latter remained quiet,
instead wishing Mukanya was home for support. Surprisingly, Mukanya was never
labelled MDC despite some open association with some MDC politicians.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">In 2015, one Zanu PF legislator attended
Mukanya’s show as a patron of CMC show in South Africa. The patron was even
accused by then First Lady Grace Mugabe of being a traitor. But still, Tuku had
no time to make comments or judge his brother.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Instead, he opted to pretend to know no
political party as he clearly understood the environment that he was working
under. Any proven acts of disobedience to the government could have cost him
and his career.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Many other
stories of bad blood between the two dominated the media. I do recall one
journalist sending me questions for Mukanya to respond, asking him if, indeed,
it was true that relations between the two were bad. Mukanya laughed it off and
alluded in vernacular “<i>vanhu ava vanoda kutirwisanisa, Oliver ihama yangu
takabva kure</i>” (people always want to create fights between us, Oliver is my
friend and we came a long way).</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">In many other interactions, Mukanya would
always refer to the day he met Tuku at Sekuru Chogugudza’s recording studio,
and how they joined hands as part of the Wagon Wheels. Mukanya recollected that
the first time he met Tuku, he was singing in English, but advised him to use
the vernacular language.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">“He had his song, <i>Green for Go and Red
for Stop</i>, and I then gave him one of my songs <i>Tamba Hako Marujata</i>,
a folk song I had done in my own way, and it later became a hit with the
title <i>Rova Ngoma Mutavara</i>,” Mukanya quipped on one of my
discussions with him.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px;">
<span style="background: white; color: #454545;"><span style="text-align: start;">It’s also interesting to note that Tuku would meet his first wife Melody
Murape at Thomas Mapfumo’s show in Highfield in 1977. This brief account of
events are a testimony that the two came a long way.</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #500050;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;"></span>So, as
we planned for the Big Bira. I was excited that finally, the two legends were
going to collaborate on the same stage. A trip to Zimbabwe was then planned for
me for the following day, February 9, 2018. I was to convene a press conference
announcing the dates and the Big Bira programme.<span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">It was at this event that Tuku’s manager
Walter Wanyanya and I agreed to organise a visit by Mukanya and his family to
Tuku’s Pakare Paye Arts Centre in Norton upon his arrival for the Big Bira.
Wanyanya also confided in me that Tuku had cancelled his scheduled tour outside
Zimbabwe to be part of the Big Bira.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">On the
mid-morning of April 24, we landed Pakare Paye. The trip was important in two
aspects: firstly, after my discussion with the band manager Austin Sibanda and
CMC lawyer Tapiwa Kapurura, we planned to have Mukanya add his voice on dendera
musician Sulumani Chimbetu’s song <i>Dzokai Mukanya</i>; second, we also
wanted to take the opportunity for Mukanya and Tuku to do a collaboration together.
This was after Sibanda had already agreed with Wanyanya. The said collaboration
was reaffirmed by Sibanda and Mukanya himself, during a press conference held
on April 23 at Crowne Plaza Hotel in the capital.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">So we arrived
at Pakare Paye slightly earlier than Sulu, who together with his entourage
arrived 30 minutes later. We briefed Mukanya that all was set and the studio
was ready for the much-hyped and publicised collaboration. Sadly, on the last
minute, it never materialised.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Mukanya had suddenly been attacked by a
terrible bout of flu which affected his voice. He even feared for his upcoming
performance. A physician was called in fast. Mukanya then assured Sulu that he
could probably listen to the track afterwards before adding his voice. Sulu would
then have to send the track to Mukanya’s producer in Oregon in the United
States to facilitate the collaboration.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">The mishap did
not affect their (Mukanya and Sulu) relationship. We all left the studio for
lunch to be hosted by Tuku at one of the restaurants at Pakare Paye. Mukanya’s
younger brother William Mapfumo, Sibanda the band manager, Garry Tight, Sulu
and the late Edmos Pazvakavambwa.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">There, we were treated to first-class four
course meals as we talked and laughed like we were having a farewell party. I
captured the moments as Tuku and Mukanya went down memory lane talking about
their experiences at Sekuru Chogugudza’s studios in Mbare in the early ’70s.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">I also got the opportunity to ask the two
about the mystery behind the $7 story which <span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-position-x: 0%; background-position-y: 0%;">Tuku was paid after a
performance at one of the night clubs back then in the ’70s. They both laughed
it off, with Tuku saying: “<i>Bhule chimbomira izvozvo, husiku ihwohwo takafara</i>.”
Mukanya was even surprised and asked me who had told me that story. No answer
was given to that question that night, but only laughters.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">As Mukanya was in the studio with Sulu, Pakare
Paye marketing manager Watson Chidzomba invited me and Sibanda into his
offices. Chidzomba warmly welcomed us and told us that Tuku was excited ahead
of the Big Bira.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">“I will tell you that he has been rehearsing
every day and he can’t wait for the day,” Chidzomba quipped. His words were
quite emotional, and it showed how Tuku valued his relationship with Mukanya.
This was a man who had cancelled his tour for Mukanya.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">In February 2018, the band manager made a
phone call to Wanyanya and Tuku, who were en route to South Africa for some
gigs. It was then that Tuku assured and confirmed that he was going to cancel
his tour to be part of the Big Bira. According to Sibanda, Tuku said: “This is
something that I have to do for my brother as a big welcome home.”</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt;">
<span style="background: white; color: #454545;"><span style="text-align: start;">In Harare at the Glamis Arena, Tuku would join hands with Mukanya on stage
as an act of solidarity. That night, Tuku poured out his soul and love as he
danced in good cheer. Little did everyone know that it was a farewell dance
driven by God to prove their life long camaraderie?</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #500050;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;"></span>Eight months later, when Mukanya
returned to Zimbabwe in December for the Peace Tour, he instructed me to call
Wanyanya so that we can arrange a possible visit to Norton to see Tuku and
possibly do the collaboration. On December 13 I conveyed the message to
Wanyanya via <i>WhatsApp</i> and to my surprise, he responded by
saying: “<i>Tanga tichitotaura nezvazvo</i> (we were discussing it). We
are in SA, back Monday night, so any time after that is <i>bho</i> (ok),
we will work it out.”<span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">But as they say, “procrastination is the thief
of time”, we procrastinated and, sadly, Tuku passed on before we could visit
again and do the historic collaboration.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">In his career,
Tuku played almost everything, cutting across from country, mbaqanga, reggae,
sungura, rock n roll, gospel, pop, Zimdancehall to urban grooves just to
mention but a few. He was a versatile all-weather and all-style musician, who
would sing with everyone and sing everything and anything.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">This is what made Tuku endear with everyone,
every generation, class, religion, every tribe, every nationality and, indeed,
he became a giant in Africa and the world over. Just like Mukanya, Tuku was
accommodative and full of humour.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">I recall
during the tour at Pakare Paye while I was taking pictures, my phone had a
funny cranky sound resembling ancient cameras when taking photos. Tuku dropped
a funny line to me: “<i>Bhule, phone yako yakapenga mufana wangu, inoita kuti
shwaa semunhu arohwa mbama</i>.”</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Tuku had a
love-and-hate relationship with Zanu PF, his compositions were subtle, it was
not easy to understand his lyrics. Songs like <i>Bvuma</i> (reference
to then President Robert Mugabe’s old age), Ngoromera (song against political
violence), <i>Mhopo Pamusana</i> and <i>Tozeza Baba</i>, among
other compositions, were all punches directed at the ruling class, but they
never got to be understood. That was a true mark of an artiste, he left it to
the listeners to analyse and interpret.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Tuku was a powerful musician who sang
consistent themes packed with lethal punches. His songs were subject to a
thousand translations, but in essence, he was hitting hard on the regime. A
classic example was <i>Tozeza Baba</i>, which many would interpret as a
mark of the effects of domestic violence, and yet it was a direct reference to
Mugabe’s misrule.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">He acted like a drunken father who made life
horrible for his Zimbabwean family. Such songs exonerated Tuku from the regime,
as they made him appear like just a social commentator, yet he attacked them in
their midst.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">Tuku had a
gift of singing political comments laced with social commentary. He would, at
random, cunningly pass adverse comments on the regime. Other songs like<i>Nhava
Izere Mhepo</i> (the bag is full of air, it’s empty) was sang in reference
to Zanu PF’s empty promises and failure to tap foreign aid from supposed
friends as people suffered.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt;">
<span style="background: white; color: #454545;"><span style="text-align: start;">While people celebrated Tuku as a non-political commentator by
singing <i>Nhava Izere Mhepo</i>, Mukanya opted to be militaristic with
no-holds-barred songs like<i>Mamvemve</i> (country in tatters).</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #500050;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; font-stretch: normal; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; min-height: 20.3px; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;"></span>The
story of the two simply reminds us of the various talents the two artistes
carried. Each went the other way, but would meet as Tuku sang <i>Pota neko
tisangane tiwadzane sembariro</i>.<span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;">He was a man of the people. He sang to
entertain and inspire. Today, the world mourns. A son has been lost. We cry.
Tears may dry, but memories will remain fresh. The elephant, Samanyanga, has
left us with a solid history to be talked about for generations to come.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt;">
<span style="background: white; color: #454545;"><span style="text-align: start;">You used your voice and guitar to change the world. Both enemy and friend
now turn swords into ploughshares as they ponder on your cryptic lyrics. As you
also sang with James Chimombe “<i>Ini newe ngatiimbe</i>”, you unified us all
through your creativity and powerful use of words.</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #500050;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: start;">
<span style="color: #454545;"></span>Your music taught us love and laughter,
care and concern. You were, you are and shall always be our hero and our senior
superstar. Rest is peace son of the soil.<i>Chizororai zvenyu muKorekore.
Tasvitsa manja pachiKorekore. Pangu pese ndasakura ndazunza! Fambai mushe Nzou.</i><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 16px;">Blessing Vava writes from Chipinge, He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</span></div>
</div>
<b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike></div>
blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-21412136399524380342018-09-10T05:31:00.002-07:002018-10-09T01:19:55.166-07:00Mnangagwa’s ‘2nd Republic’ and the pursuance of neoliberal economics<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOGAdFliQB7uezsO-kJYbHWKo1f_NwBfrzx3cJ1xlXkoiToBdHwXuU8DzPEnG43N_MZSYM1mtlQ2-d75xt78uFnky2FnHyPi1IOQPtjURwl1loT_Ua25gqPZpraflrT_NzfqcieUVt1gM/s1600/24520_ZWE-20171124-CHIWENGA-AP_1514454273984.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="540" data-original-width="960" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOGAdFliQB7uezsO-kJYbHWKo1f_NwBfrzx3cJ1xlXkoiToBdHwXuU8DzPEnG43N_MZSYM1mtlQ2-d75xt78uFnky2FnHyPi1IOQPtjURwl1loT_Ua25gqPZpraflrT_NzfqcieUVt1gM/s320/24520_ZWE-20171124-CHIWENGA-AP_1514454273984.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Zimbabwe's Vice President General Chiwenga</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The confirmation of
Emmerson Mnangagwa by Zimbabwe’s highest <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/Zimbabwe/live-all-eyes-on-zim-concourt-as-ruling-on-election-challenge-expected-today-20180824">court</a> as president sealed the dispute
on Zimbabwe’s future leader to carry the hopes of a nation yearning for a new
trajectory. The disputed election resulted in the MDC Alliance leader Nelson Chamisa
filing a constitutional court application challenging the credibility of the
election results.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The case was
unanimously dismissed by the court with costs, raising questions on the
independence of the judiciary. Perhaps, this case was the first real test of
the Zimbabwean constitution which was ushered in 2013 by the inclusive
government and the judgment thereof was a litmus test to ascertain if such
organs of the state are free from manipulation. As many Zimbabweans were
eagerly waiting for the outcome, the writing was already on the wall on the
outcome of that case, with ZANU PF going ahead with preparations for the
swearing-in of Mnangagwa and <a href="https://www.newsday.co.zw/2018/08/ed-remains-president-nothing-will-change-chiwenga/">Chiwenga</a> indicating that nothing was going to change
despite any outcome at the constitutional court. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With a defective 'new' constitution, Zimbabwe
finds itself in a quandary with some pieces of legislation not working in sync
with the constitution. Suffice to say, the courts have never been that space to
meet justice especially on such delicate political matters in Zimbabwe.
Countless election court challenges since 2000 have not yielded favourable
outcomes that are against the electoral commission nor the incumbent. As if not
enough, the constitutional court passed a strange judgment that declared the
coup legal. While many rejoiced and embraced the coup, they forgot that the
problem with Zimbabwe was the system of governance used by Mugabe to be in
power for 37 years. Therefore, the coup was just a sideshow used to create
a veil of a ‘new dispensation’. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">To the contrary the just
ended elections have sufficiently proved otherwise. I will try to break it down
to argue that Zimbabwe was never ready for an election before, firstly there
was a need to 'cure' the coup and to undertake the necessary political reforms
that inhibited the conduct of any credible electoral process. From the onset,
it looked quite impossible for a country which had experienced a military coup
to deliver a fair and credible election just after six months. It was just impossible. The games of play had not changed, the results we
eventually got were expected. Secondly, it was impossible to have a credible
election when the drivers of that coup were the ones now running the
government, determining the terms of participation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thirdly, it was way too early for the country
to go into an election with the military heavily embedded in civilian politics,
state institutions and supposedly independent institutions like the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission. The military involvement in civilian politics has had a
bearing on the outcome of the elections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Therefore, with this 'outcome' it will prove difficult to dislodge the 'military' government with elections only. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Zimbabwe’s
military –a new economic class</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The military coup left a
bad precedent on our politics and thus the elections became a poisoned chalice.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Whilst I argued in November 2017 that
the events of the 17th had nothing to do with ‘restoring’ Zimbabwe into a
democracy my fears have been proven that it was nothing but a rearrangement of
chairs in the ZANU PF top table, with a 'military class project' which has now
taken over the party-state apparatus for its own distinct interests. </span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 16px;">From their involvement in the DRC war in 1997, the military elites have been pursuing self enriching interests. A </span><a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/burundi/plundering-dr-congo-natural-resources-final-report-panel-experts-s20021146" style="font-family: "arial narrow", sans-serif; font-size: 16px;">report</a><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 16px;"> from the United Nations highlights how military elites enriched themselves from the vast mineral assets of the DRC, the exploitation of diamonds in Marange by military elites buttresses this point.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The military elites are now
firmly in charge of ZANU PF and the state and this might signal the end of
civilian politics in Zimbabwe. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the
three events that followed the coup, namely the march and the elections and the
constitutional court ruling have legitimised a ‘democratic’ albeit a ‘military’
victory. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The deployment of soldiers to
quell protests in Harare is a clear sign that we are in a military state. After
the shooting it was business as usual and the dust is almost settling. Thereafter,
we are likely going to see more repression and the closing of democratic space
under the ‘new dispensation.’</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Mnangagwa, instituting a <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/Zimbabwe/motlanthe-to-lead-zims-commission-of-inquiry-into-post-election-killings-20180829">commission of inquiry</a> to look into the 1 August shootings is just
a public relations exercise for Zimbabwe’s re-engagement efforts with the West.
The interview by British Prime Minister Theresa May is a confirmation of ED’s
overtures to ‘please’ the west. With that 'semblance' of legitimacy from a flawed
election and constitutional court ruling, the military elites are essentially
in control of the state in pursuance of their own distinct business interests. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> Reading through the ZANU PF manifesto and Zimbabwe is open for business mantra
is clear testimony that it is indeed full scale neo-liberal economics for the
thriving of monopoly business ’at the expense of real socio-economic trajectory
anchored around social democracy. What we are going to witness in the few
coming months/years is primitive accumulation of capital, an increase in the national debt, asset stripping and </span><span lang="EN-GB"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">privatization of key public
institutions, and all this sums up Mnangagwa’s Zimbabwe is open for Business
mantra. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ZANU
PF reforming from the coup</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The military elites
occupying strategic posts in government, namely Chiwenga, Vice President, and
SB Moyo, Foreign Affairs, Perrence Shiri lands. et al their game plan now is to
control (they are already) the economy at whatever expense for self-interests with
little to do with the development of the country. With the West, cosying up to
a stolen election and a cosmetic approach on how to deal with the 1 August
killings signals more difficult times for the opposition and civil society. Now
with the appointment of a ‘new’ cabinet many Zimbabweans, at least the active
social media users have been suggesting that it’s a positive step for the
country and that ED has struck the right chords. Others are hailing ED for what
they are terming, the ‘neutralization’ of the military in civilian politics.
They suggest that Chiwenga has been dealt a blow and that his power has now
been diluted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the real essence to it
is that ZANU PF is reforming out of the coup to stay in power with a civilian
face but a military hold on the real political state apparatus. The new cabinet is another public relations stunt by Mnangagwa as he battles to win the hearts of both the international community and the locals. Those gullible enough will believe that power has shifted, the real wielders of power are the soldiers. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">The revolutionary task for
the opposition going forward </span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The revolutionary task for
the opposition is to go back to the basics, go back to the people, and give
proper pro people alternatives, not their same neoliberal free market
suggestions as outlined in their SMART document. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The neo-liberal policy discourse, as proposed by
both ZANU PF and MDC’s SMART curtails the vision for a caring society based on
human solidarity and dignity.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> I am still not convinced if the rallies are a strategic avenue in building a critical mass. </span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">In that regard i posit that the opposition still has a chance, the control local authorities in many cities should be their trump card in proving to the masses that they
are capable of governing.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">But, </span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">the question is how do the
forces of democratic change broadly respond to the complex way in which the
military and ZANU PF are rebuilding some kind of legitimacy? The MDC of two
decades ago was powerful because it was anchored in the concrete socio-economic
struggles and democratic aspirations of the excluded and marginalised. The
question that the MDC must now answer is how do they develop a political
program that goes back to build long term sustainable political engagement which
translates into votes for the party and the leader.</span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> Therefore, the party needs to</span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> lay out a very concrete political program. #Godisinit is neither a political idea nor a political program, it excites a very limited but dangerously noisy thin strata. </span><span style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span lang="EN-GB">In the past, the </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">inability of the MDC councillors and branches to
provide leadership to communities struggles has dealt a blow for the party in
its quest to mobilise the grassroots.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> Focus should be
on community/ issue - based mobilization to respond to the needs of those
communities as this will enable the movement to survive under difficult
conditions. And that means that the party’s representatives in local government
must equally desist from pushing for privatisation of basic services in their
towns as this will do more harm than good for the communities. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The party must address corruption amongst its ranks especially what we
have witnessed in local authorities were the opposition was in control. In conclusion,
the opportunity presented is that the party must maintain strong contact with
and in the confidence of the masses and that the primary mission of the party
is not to loot but to serve the masses.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><i></i><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "arial narrow" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><b>Blessing Vava is based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</b></span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-28416683934134987872018-09-04T07:13:00.000-07:002018-09-04T08:42:24.756-07:00When a picture is worth a thousand words: Xi Jinping meets ‘Africa’<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">By
Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">A
picture is worth a thousand words, is the phraseology popularised in 1927, by advertising
executive Fred R. Barnard. He coined the phrase, to refer to the notion that a
complex idea can be conveyed with just a single still image or that an image of
a subject conveys its meaning or essence more effectively than a textual description
does. This can be said to describe an image taken in Beijing, China where the
Zambian government delegation led by President Edgar Lungu met with China’s Xi
Jinping’s team.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh8kPvSytUX-4JqfbM8cJaid7xFbOa39YshIap_inwcp4D9J6-NTGiq4O9ipzEnScTq7DK-6dP0U25MZQlRDw6RXVz7MZnZeVmOFq_DvUV1r1qL9FXLmWzO6_1ygxXQyos0egfYWtrwkw/s1600/DmF6SgEXcAA9aqE.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="606" data-original-width="900" height="215" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh8kPvSytUX-4JqfbM8cJaid7xFbOa39YshIap_inwcp4D9J6-NTGiq4O9ipzEnScTq7DK-6dP0U25MZQlRDw6RXVz7MZnZeVmOFq_DvUV1r1qL9FXLmWzO6_1ygxXQyos0egfYWtrwkw/s320/DmF6SgEXcAA9aqE.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: large;">Zambian delegation meets the Chinese</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Unlike
video or audio, a picture can convey different meanings and interpretations. In
this instance, the image at hand, rather paints disturbing and worrisome
connotations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a picture that has
conveyed a strong message, an unpleasant depiction of the Zambian head of state
and his delegation and how Africans take a lackadaisical approach to important
engagements. We are often not taken too seriously because of how we present
ourselves. While some are quick to say, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">“Don’t
judge a book by its cover</i>,” at times it is the impression that matters, it
is on the surface and not necessarily the detail that takes the day. Suffice to
say that perception, is reality.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The
trending image shows two delegations, a more serious and attentive Chinese team
seemingly paying attention, with their pens and notebooks right in front of
them presumably taking down notes on the important details of the deliberations,
while on the other side the Zambian delegation, looking rather lost, confused,
casually sitting with neither notebooks nor pens in front of them. It appears
as if only the Chinese were taking the meeting serious thus the taking down of notes
on the aspects of the discussions. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
image trended on social media, parti</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">cularly on the microblogging site, </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">Twitter</i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> attracting hordes of comments
that were mainly mocking or making fun of the Zambian delegation.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Most of the comments indeed insinuating that
the Zambians lacked ‘seriousness.’ No wonder why they are always getting bad
deals.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">In one such posts by </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">Newsday</i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> journalist Nqaba Matshazi
curiously tweeted: “How come the Zambian delegation don’t have anything in
front of them, no notes, won’t take notes?</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Matshazi’s
views were shared by many of his followers on the microblog, who were
apparently shocked that a whole government delegation can just sit and ‘get
lost’ in all talk at such a meeting without any pen or paper in front of them.
At times it is the body language, the impressions and actions one does in a
boardroom that can give you an edge during negotiations. One social media user
alluded that not taking notes can symbolise, to the team on the other side of
the table does not prioritise documentation or systems and process. You just
need to be attentive or at least pretend you are on top of the situation, not
to appear lost in the Savanna Forests like the Zambian delegation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Just by reading through the actions of the
Zambian delegation, it is not surprising that the Chinese knew their
counterparts were either not paying attention or were not prepared.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="540" data-original-width="899" height="192" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJPuBswB0PJTBhfD09yPD6c65B-Id3_dub4jEqWfVzDVBNxqMfD4bLTQ0585PXrAF4ln0Iv8L5J9Ifo0iHnoLk4dz4COZPgxNzKkn9EIw5tVX5im6u5SlVqiGbHdLGFZbu-k4S8vBZvh0/s320/40607210_1927816103942205_6754812117162917888_n.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" width="320" /></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ethiopian delegation meets the Chinese</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJPuBswB0PJTBhfD09yPD6c65B-Id3_dub4jEqWfVzDVBNxqMfD4bLTQ0585PXrAF4ln0Iv8L5J9Ifo0iHnoLk4dz4COZPgxNzKkn9EIw5tVX5im6u5SlVqiGbHdLGFZbu-k4S8vBZvh0/s1600/40607210_1927816103942205_6754812117162917888_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-size: large;"></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Reacting
to Matshazi’s tweet was a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Twitter</i>
handle @HonMbele; ‘’we can tell how much bribe money to pay just by a single
eye contact. No need for notes, we look u in the eye... Then we give you our
bank account. Deal done.’’ For @HonMbele he insinuated that for the Zambian
delegation, the details were not important but just getting the money.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Another
interesting tweet had the following reaction; ‘’this is common in all African
delegations. They have no time for details, all they want to hear is that their
request for the billions has been approved period. For this reason we end up
with loan agreements that enslave us for generations! Such comments cannot be
dismissed but rather they show a general perception shared by many Africans on
how African leadership delegations behave when they are out there negotiating
for deals. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">While
the comments have been free ‘entertainment’, it is however, a worrying trend about
the way and manner in which African leaders take such meetings for granted.
With deals of aid and loans worth billions of dollars, it is not surprising
that most African governments are assenting their signatures without much
scrutiny of these agreements. Whilst we do not have much detail about what was
actually transpiring at that gathering, we are only left to speculate that it
was just one of those casual briefing meetings with no serious stuff being
discussed. Maybe or maybe not? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="768" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1D_MpKdvEoYmy4vNIwjXkJSCZP7rWw8JjNzTtow7yMWIoK0c_-Cx9tu2z6x6cpnOEuhPQ33hovpXIaDLIqoYLo4uhVue-jXvDUhmod9hUa9ooeyDvwuZQv8bKGwVjz55l6XHZpZnjTvc/s320/40596504_10156577081213426_7963555565118947328_o.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" width="240" /></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">South African delegation meets the Chinese</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1D_MpKdvEoYmy4vNIwjXkJSCZP7rWw8JjNzTtow7yMWIoK0c_-Cx9tu2z6x6cpnOEuhPQ33hovpXIaDLIqoYLo4uhVue-jXvDUhmod9hUa9ooeyDvwuZQv8bKGwVjz55l6XHZpZnjTvc/s1600/40596504_10156577081213426_7963555565118947328_o.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: large;"></span></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">It
could be that they were taking note (at least in their heads) of every detail
that was being discussed. Over the years, there have been concerns about the
deals African leaders are entering into, particularly with the Chinese.
Citizens from across the African continent have been sceptical about Chinese
deals and that most African leaders just append their signatures without paying
much attention to the details. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">For
most African leaders, these trips are shopping safaris and nothing else. It is
about the periderms they get and the impatience to go and shop. This is why
they won't write or take notes. They have no love for the nation. It is just
about them getting new trinkets and toys which they can boast about once back
home.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">There
is no proper planning for engagement, it is just about begging and most of them
would have even gone without business leaders. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In
fact, more images emerging from Beijing are showing that it’s an African trend.
The events in Beijing speaks to different work cultures. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">As
the FOCAC meeting is currently underway, it is always the case that we seem not
prepared with no solid policy on paper on how to engage China, at African Union
level, SADC, ECOWAS not even at a country level. It won’t be surprising that
for most of these countries they do not have any national development plan or
vision to guide them. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It all seems that we are always throwing
ourselves into the lion’s jaws with impunity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: large; mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">In
conclusion, Africa will do well with a polished league of young leaders that
are ready to confront the world through a serious show of leadership. The
Zambian delegation, though an epitome of the current crop of leaders, leaves a
lot to be desired and an egg on the continent’s assertiveness in defining her
future and beyond. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Africa deserves better!</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Blessing Vava is a
researcher on China Africa relations. He is based at the University of
Johannesburg. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com, Twitter: @blevava<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-78904376008724471792018-05-25T03:37:00.000-07:002018-05-25T03:38:53.148-07:00Women’s political participation not an act of charity<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">File picture: Is engaging Kenyan women in security affairs the key to creating better policies? Photo: Maria Salamanca/Flickr</span></div>
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<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The late Mozambican President Samora Machel once said: “The liberation of women is not an act of charity but a fundamental precondition for the success of our revolution.” These words remain relevant as we reflect on the status of women’s participation in the sphere of politics and decision-making processes on the continent. Early this week, South African opposition politician Julius Malema bemoaned the lack of representation of the youth in the Pan African Parliament. Malema’s call comes against a backdrop of low participation in the representation of women and the youth in political processes.</span></span></div>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Statistical figures show that more than half of the world’s population is female, but worldwide only 21 percent of national parliamentarians are women. Globally, according to UN Women, there are only eight countries – Bosnia Herzegovina, Brunei, Hungary, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Slovakia, Tonga and Vanuatu – that have no women in their governments.<b style="box-sizing: border-box;"> </b>UN Women also noted that<b style="box-sizing: border-box;"> </b>in Africa, strides have been made in South Africa, Cape Verde and Rwanda – where women account for more than 30% of ministers in the Cabinet.</span></span></div>
<blockquote style="border-left: 4px solid rgb(221, 221, 221); box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-style: italic; margin: 15px 0px; padding: 10px 20px;">
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 1.5; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The composition of legislative bodies can have a serious effect on the quality of laws passed.</span></span></div>
</blockquote>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Though it is significant, it still remains a small figure as far as the realisation of gender equality is concerned. It can be argued that the composition of legislative bodies can have a serious effect on the quality of laws passed where pushing the interests of women is concerned.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
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<figure class="wp-caption alignnone" id="attachment_16239" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 20px 20px 20px 0px; max-width: 750px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-16239" src="http://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/02/Africa-Speaks-For-africa-Womens-Rights-300x150.jpg" height="380" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" srcset="https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/02/Africa-Speaks-For-africa-Womens-Rights-300x150.jpg 300w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/02/Africa-Speaks-For-africa-Womens-Rights-600x300.jpg 600w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/02/Africa-Speaks-For-africa-Womens-Rights.jpg 616w" style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: middle; width: auto;" width="760" /></span></div>
<figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Women’s Rights. Photo: Africa Speaks For africa Women’s Rights</span></figcaption></figure><br />
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The participation of women in political decision-making positions was recognised as a political right after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948. UDHR Articles 2 and 21 stipulate the equal enjoyment of political rights without discrimination on the basis of one’s sex or any other ground.</span></span></div>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Hence, the strengthening of women’s participation in all spheres of life has become a major issue in the development discourse, and socioeconomic development cannot be fully achieved without the active involvement of women at the decision-making level in all society.</span></span></div>
<blockquote style="border-left: 4px solid rgb(221, 221, 221); box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-style: italic; margin: 15px 0px; padding: 10px 20px;">
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 1.5; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The strengthening of women’s participation in all spheres of life has become a major issue in the development discourse.</span></span></div>
</blockquote>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><b style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">What are the obstacles that hinder the political participation of women, especially in Africa?</span></b></span></div>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">In my own observation, the first obstacle has mainly to do with traditional and cultural beliefs that entrench a patriarchal view. This view is based on the idea of male supremacy and goes against women as leaders and decision makers. While there has been active participation of women in other spheres, motherhood and marriage have been viewed as the most important goals in a woman’s life. The other myth portrays politics as “a man’s game” and that women are “too emotional” to deal with affairs of the state. In this regard, there is a need to change societal attitudes but, ultimately, the need is for social and family support for women to overcome such barriers. </span></span></div>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The second obstacle is the nature of the political operating environment, which is riddled with violence and intimidation. This has been a major barrier for women’s participation. The political environment has to be friendlier and less corrupt for female participation to become established.</span></span></div>
<div class="p1" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; letter-spacing: 0px !important; line-height: 25px; margin-bottom: 15px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Thirdly, there is an economic aspect to the blockage of women’s political participation. The lack of financial resources has been a hindrance to participation, especially when it comes to electoral campaigns. Women need financial support to overcome the barriers to political participation.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-32741 size-full" src="http://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/04/winnie-malema.jpg" height="515" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" srcset="https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/04/winnie-malema.jpg 760w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/04/winnie-malema-300x203.jpg 300w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/04/winnie-malema-600x407.jpg 600w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/04/winnie-malema-750x508.jpg 750w" style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: middle; width: auto;" width="760" /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">File picture: Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa attends Winnie Madikizela-Mandela 80th birthday, 14 Sep 2016</span></div>
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Mama Winnie Madikizela Mandela with Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa and EFF leader Julius Malema share a light moment at the 80th birthday celebrations of Winnie Madikizela Mandela held at Mount Nelson Hotel in Cape Town. (Photo: GCIS)/Flickr</div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Above all, there needs to be a long-term strategy that focuses on training and development, with the aim of building women’s confidence to take on leadership roles and inculcating a culture of female leadership, beginning at grassroots level. We have to start with local laws, whose vague provisions on gender need to be revised. This is especially true of governments that are signatories to international conventions and the <a href="https://www.newtactics.org/comment/8238%23comment-8238" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 1px dotted rgb(102, 102, 102); box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; letter-spacing: 0px !important; text-decoration-line: none;">standards they set, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. This also includes regional instruments for gender equality like the African Charter on Human and People Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.</a></span></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">We must also increase the participation rates for women because it has a snowball effect – it encourages other women to participate in political processes. This helps do away with harmful stereotyping and assumptions that impede women’s ability to play a central role in public life.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><b style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Are quota systems the way?</span></b></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Progress has been made in increasing female political participation by way of quota systems, especially at parliamentary system and political party level, in countries like Zimbabwe and South Africa. The Zimbabwean constitution stipulates a quota of 60 seats for women to be deployed to parliament by their parties. This is a progressive move, but it has its drawbacks – the system is open to abuse and lacks transparency, especially for women who are less likely to have strong political networks. Having said that, any process that promotes and guarantees women’s decision-making within political parties will ultimately increase their public voice.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large; letter-spacing: 0px;">It is important that the political participation of women be based on equality and merit. Women should represent the communities they belong to by means of election, appointment and merit. It is important that the inclusion and involvement of women is both quantitative and qualitative. The recognition and inclusion of women in governance and decision-making structures should reflect the collaborative inputs of all members of the community, without discrimination.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Increased participation by women has been proven to result in a bigger economic benefit for all. It is therefore important to raise women’s engagement in politics by raising their awareness of the opportunities available to them and building confidence and skills. Ultimately, this will be to the benefit of all members of society.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Read the original article on:<a href="https://thisisafrica.me/womens-political-participation-not-act-charity/">This is Africa</a>. Rights reserved<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge, Zimbabwe<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-17453005366747691952018-05-25T01:49:00.000-07:002018-05-25T02:23:33.741-07:00Africa Day: The Africa we want<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">By Blessing Vava</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">On 25 May, Africa we celebrate Africa Day. On this day in 1963, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with 32 signatory governments, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed. The OAU disbanded on 9 July 2002 to be replaced by the African Union (AU). At its formation, the founding fathers saw the end of colonialism and white minority rule and the start of co-operation among African states in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa. Among other aims, the AU also sought to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of African states. It united Africa and gave it a voice for charting the way forward in the geopolitical arena, which had been dominated by the imperial forces and colonisers that pillaged Africa’s resources over a long period of time.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">While self-determination, self-rule and political freedom were celebrated after the fall of colonialism, what became of the emancipation project, particularly economic freedom? How does the AU position itself to be a critical player in the global arena, rather than being subservient and a receiver of aid from the West and China? It is of critical importance that we take stock of the fate of the historic African revolution, the one that fought against imperialism and colonisation and for the ideals of a pan-African continent that spoke with one voice. What became of it? What is the fate of the liberation movements – are they still viable projects for achieving the total African emancipation? Liberation movements across the spectrum have experienced considerable difficulty in making the transition from struggle to government, and they have mostly failed at the last hurdle of the struggle – that of economic freedom. Fanon critiqued how the liberation leaders, after independence, will happily cosy up to accept crumbs from the former colonial power. He argued that national liberation would remain an empty shell if it failed to transform politically and economically. This should serve as a reminder to African leaders.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;"><b style="box-sizing: border-box;">Africa: a divided continent</b></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">Africa today resembles the past: The continent is still divided along regional borders and tribal and ethnic boundaries – creations of the colonial rulers. The sad part is how the colonial masters are pursuing a neo-colonial agenda to further their hegemonic control of its former colonies. Recently, in a presentation at the African Leadership Series, Professor Otieno Lumumba lamented that it was only Africa that was still being referred to by colonial labels based on the identity of the coloniser. Lumumba highlighted terms such as ‘Anglophone’, ‘Francophone’ and ‘Lusophone’ to mean that we (Africa) are still a sphere of our erstwhile colonisers.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">Africa today resembles the past: The continent is still divided along regional borders and tribal and ethnic boundaries – creations of the colonial rulers.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">We still have bodies such as the Commonwealth, which, some critics argue, is a colonial relic, a neo-imperial conspiracy and nothing but a collection of every important state brought together by accident of having been colonised by Britain’. Is it not the same colonial power – Britain – that for centuries has pillaged our resources, colonising and enslaving Africans? It took an armed struggle against British settlers to end decades of colonial rule. Prof Lumumba argues that the 53 nations in the Commonwealth are not equal. Africa must never forget the ills perpetrated by Britain, which, until today, have not even issued an apology for the damage they caused in Africa. </span></div>
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<img alt="" class="wp-image-24774 size-full" src="http://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413.jpg" height="422" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" srcset="https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413.jpg 760w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413-300x167.jpg 300w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413-600x333.jpg 600w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413-360x200.jpg 360w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2017/01/ANP-4880413-750x416.jpg 750w" style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: middle; width: auto;" width="760" /></div>
<figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-align: justify;">Lumumba salutes the photographers as he leaves the Idlewild airport 02 August 1960, to go to his hotel in New York. Leader of the Congolese national movement, he became the first Prime Minister (1960) of the new state Democratic Republic of the Congo, former Belgian Congo, renamed Zaïre in 1971. Photo: ANP</figcaption></figure><br />
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">As we celebrate Africa Day 2018, we take note of the change of leaders in many countries on the continent: Zimbabwe, Angola, South Africa, Botswana, Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Mozambique and Namibia have new leaders, some of whom are fairly young and were not part of the liberation group, but also some who do belong to that class. The question that confronts us today is this: What does this new layer of leadership on the continent mean for the African revolution?</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">The new leadership has a task ahead of it: They should clearly outline were they are taking the iconic project of African emancipation started by our founding fathers. The emancipation project means total economic independence for Africa.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">Even with this change of leadership, what is the qualitative direction of the African revolution in the context of what Fanon said would be the limits of the nationalist movements?</span> <span class="s3" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">And is quantitative change related to qualitative change? South Africa’s Julius Malema made a good point when he critiqued the age of leaders at the Pan-African Parliament, decrying it for being made up of the older generation. “The majority of African parliaments are constituted by [people of advanced age]. It is unacceptable. They make plans, calling them Vision 2030, knowing very well they will not even be here. We need the young ones who know that if they fail to implement their plan, they can still be held to account in 2030,” Malema said.</span></div>
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<img alt="" class="wp-image-22737 size-full" src="http://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735.jpg" height="420" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" srcset="https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735.jpg 760w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735-300x166.jpg 300w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735-600x332.jpg 600w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735-360x200.jpg 360w, https://thisisafrica.me/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2016/10/ANP-45394735-750x414.jpg 750w" style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: middle; width: auto;" width="760" /></div>
<figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-align: justify;">File picture. Julius Malema, leader of the opposition party Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), addresses supporters at the launch of the party’s local election manifesto in Soweto, near Johannesburg, South Africa, 30 April 2016 Photo: ANP/EPA Cornell Tukiri</figcaption></figure><br />
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">The post-liberation Pan-Africa project equally failed to transform itself and pass the baton on to the younger generation.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">Suffice to say that while the liberation Pan-African project secured political freedom, the post-liberation Pan-African project must shift to economic freedom in our lifetime. This narrative has been aptly captured and pursued by the youth in South Africa, particularly the EFF. Equally, if that is the case (economic freedom), does that answer adequately the national democratic revolution agenda? Also, how does the non-Sankara, non-Machel, non-Nkrumah non-Nyerere or non-Chitepo generation answer the challenges of the day within the context of the Pan-African revolution project ignited by the liberation process?</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">The task of this generation is to follow the logical process of the Pan-African project and take it into the next phase were self-rule and economic independence will be at the centre of our vision for the continent.</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">The original article is on <a href="https://thisisafrica.me/africa-day-africa-want/">This is Africa</a>. Rights reserved</span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="box-sizing: border-box; letter-spacing: 0px !important;">Blessing Vava writes from Chipinge, Zimbabwe. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-3333535389214038772018-04-04T07:13:00.000-07:002018-04-04T23:29:05.567-07:00Mnangagwa’s visit to China: the 'easy' way of doing business<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">By Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">Zimbabwe’s president Emmerson Mnangagwa is currently in China on his first <a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/latest-president-arrives-in-china/">visit</a> outside Africa. Mnangagwa’s visit comes at a time when his government has embarked on a campaign ‘Zimbabwe is Open for Business’ in an effort to attract foreign investment and business opportunities. While the president has been featuring on big international business platforms such as Davos, the visit to China is significant in that it is based on historical bilateral engagements between the two countries that stem back from the liberation struggle. The liberation movement got assistance from China, with military equipment and the training of guerrillas. In this article, I will explain the significance of the visit, the existing bi-lateral relationship between Zimbabwe and China and the implications on democracy and governance in Zimbabwe, especially as the nation, prepares for the harmonised elections to be held in July. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">Firstly, the visit in itself is the first official state visit by Mnangagwa outside of Africa signalling the Zimbabwe's new foreign policy thrust. Though the Mnangagwa administration seems to be enjoying massive support from Britain and other European countries like Russia, China still emerges as the main ally of Harare and thus this visit confirms so. The visit comes against the background of a soft military coup that toppled Mugabe. The military intervention happened a day after the arrival from China of the then army commander Constantino Chiwenga. Chiwenga had travelled at the invitation of the Chinese military. China’s invisible hand in as far as the military action was concerned cannot be ruled out, though Beijing denied its involvement. The relations between Harare and Beijing had soured because of Beijing’s concerns about loan repayments. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">It was also said then that during <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2015/07/17/china-gives-mnangagwa-reality-check-during-visit/">Mnangagwa’s visit</a> to China in 2015, China had raised fears about “Mugabe’s age, Zanu PF leadership renewal, Zimbabwe’s investment climate and ease of doing business, the country’s relations with Western countries, government’s failure to tackle corruption and bureaucratic red tape, among other thorny issues. The Chinese also said they were worried about Zimbabwe’s high political, economic and country risks, as well as poor credit rating.’’ The <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2015/07/17/china-gives-mnangagwa-reality-check-during-visit/">Zimbabwean Independent</a> quoting an unnamed diplomatic official. The same story also quoted Wang Jiarui, Minister of International Departments, who is said to have told Mnangagwa that Mugabe’s age was contributing to the Chinese’s lack of confidence in investing in the country as it now part of political risk and that they felt he needs to rest and hand over power to someone from a younger generation with the energy and fresh ideas to tackle the country’s economic challenges.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">Secondly, it’s now apparent that the visit is a begging mission meant to get credit lines or ‘assistance’ from China as indicated by the state media. What we have to be open about is the intricate details concerning the so-called assistance that is coming from China and for long the deals and the nature of the relationship has been shrouded in mystery and secrecy, thereby casting aspersions that African countries might be giving more than what they are getting. However,</span><span lang="EN-ZA"> </span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">there is no distinction of whether it’s a loan or donation. As a matter of fact, the assistance in itself is no free lunch as it is being portrayed. There are implications to it and as we have learnt in other countries how China has taken advantage of the vulnerability of poor countries that have been desperate for assistance, the <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-02-22-iss-today-lessons-from-sri-lanka-on-chinas-debt-trap-diplomacy/#.WsN8xy5uZdg">Sri Lanka debt trap</a> being a typical example. While Mnangagwa has adopted a free market, and winner take all approach as an economic policy framework to investments it is no longer a secret that we are witnessing a ‘partitioning’ of Zimbabwe’s natural resources under the 'Zimbabwe is open for business ' banner. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">But is it really open for business or it is just open for exploitation from China?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;"> Many African countries’ vulnerability has made them negotiate very bad deals in exchange for cheap infrastructure and loans which subsequently trap them in debt. Zimbabwe had by February 2016, not shown commitment in paying at least US$50 million as a payment plan to clear its <a href="https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2016/02/05/zim-sino-mega-deals-in-limbo/">debts</a> estimated at US$1, 5 billion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;"> The Zimbabwean government, just like many other African countries need to negotiate on their own terms, identify priorities, and leverage opportunities to further the country’s interests. The efficacy of the Mnangagwa’s Zimbabwe is open for business path is hinged on the begging bowl and mortgaging strategy. Fundamentally, a diagnosis of Zimbabwe-China engagements is critical to unpack the latest developments; 1) Is the Mnangagwa’s approach new and will it bring the desired development? 2) What is the difference from the so-called mega-deals signed under the Mugabe leadership, is it a continuation or are they new deals? 3) How transparent have been these deals and 4) How are/have they changing (ed) the structure of the Zimbabwean economy, i.e. job creation, ending rural poverty especially in the exploited mining communities by Chinese companies who have been syphoning millions of dollars from their mineral operations? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">In reference to the Chinese mining companies in Chiadzwa, </span><a href="https://www.newsday.co.zw/2017/06/mugabe-lashes-chinese/" style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;">Mugabe lashed out</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 16px; text-align: justify;"> at the Chinese following reports of massive leakages and smuggling of the gems out of the country and failure to develop communities affected by mining activities.</span><br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Coup mastermind Chiwenga in China a few days before ousting Mugabe</td></tr>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Conversely, if we were to do the calculations on the worth of these ‘mega deals’ signed so far it won’t be shocking that the total figure is alarming. And in that scenario, Zimbabwe’s economic woes and cash shortages would have disappeared ever since we started signing these mega deals. Therefore, they can be no doubt that some of the figures being reported in the state media are deliberately inflated to create some sort of expectation and hope especially that elections are around the corner. A brief synopsis on some of the mega deals can buttress the point I am trying to put across. Are they real deals or begging bowls? In August 2014 president Mugabe signed nine </span><a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/zim-china-sign-nine-mega-deals/" style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">mega deals</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> which the <a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/zim-china-sign-nine-mega-deals/">Herald</a> newspaper reported as “economic enablers in critical sectors that include energy, roads, national railway network, telecommunications, agriculture and tourism as part of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation.’’ The mega deals were supposed to come with a $4 billion aid and investment package of these projects and that also includes a loan amounting to over US$1,1 billion for the expansion of Hwange Power Station and TelOne’s broadband access project. What happened to these nine deals? In </span><a href="http://www.the-businessreport.com/article/chinese-mega-deals-set-to-build-and-expand-infrastructure/" style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2012</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> the government announced that China Railway would invest $1.2 billion to develop a high-speed train route between Harare and Bulawayo. In 2016 the </span><a href="http://www.sundaymail.co.zw/zim-china-in-us6bn-deals/" style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Sunday Mail</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> also claimed that China will provide US$6 billion for national housing delivery and agriculture programmes. Up until today, Zimbabweans are still to realise the implementation or benefits of these deals.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">Consequently, we should unpack the latest <a href="https://www.herald.co.zw/just-in-zim-firm-signs-500-million-deals-in-china/">$500 million</a> mega deals signed by a little known Zimbabwean companies Platinum Agriculture and Princewood Enterprises. A quick google search results on the companies will only give stories from the said deal and interestingly a <a href="https://www.zimlii.org/zw/judgment/harare-high-court/2017/45/2017-zwhhc-45.pdf">court case</a> between the companies and a company called Potato Seed Production, raising questions about the credibility of the company and its capacity to deliver. The companies have neither a website nor any other google search hits apart from the $500 million deal reported in the state media. The whole thing seems dodgy typical of Chivhayo’s ‘briefcase’ company Intratek. Do they have the capacity to handle and execute such a big deal? Zimbabwe needs answers. Who is really behind these firms?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">Thirdly, that Mnangagwa’s visit is coming a few months before the harmonised elections is also quite significant in terms of understanding China’s role in political and electoral processes in Zimbabwe and it goes against the long-held notion of non-interference approach by China. It is no longer a hands-off policy by China, but it is interested, example being its involvement in Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe’s 2013 elections, and the invisible hand of the Chinese in the Zimbabwe coup. Already there are controversies with regards to China’s involvement in internal politics in African countries, with Sierra Leone being the latest example where the Chinese were seen wearing party regalia campaigning alongside the All Peoples Congress raising the issue of direct partisan involvement by China in Sierra Leone’s political process. Importantly, it also raises questions on the mortgaging of resources and key national economic assets to get electoral assistance by ZANU PF. In the 2013 elections in Zimbabwe, it was reported that ZANU-PF's election campaign was partly China-funded, with the party for instance ostensibly receiving one million campaign T-shirts from the Chinese government. President Mugabe also told his central committee that China had given them money and vehicles for campaigning. Moreover, a Zimbabwean newspaper quoted an anonymous army intelligence source alleging Chinese bankrolling of the Mugabe campaign. Therefore, this trip should not be looked at in isolation, but also it is being used under the guise of a state visit but also as a fundraising trip for ZANU PF campaign, thereby undermining our sovereignty. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">The previous paragraphs unpacked China’s role during the coup, but the post-coup reconstruction period raises questions on the democratic implications on Zimbabwe and the myth of China’s non-interference notion. The recently proposed changes in the Chinese political system that removed term limits for president Xi Jinping are a worrying development and raises big questions about democracy. What message are they (African leaders) learning from China in as far as term limits and democracy is concerned? Such a move has serious implications on democratic values as it props up the one leader mentality undermining constitutional democracy and propping up of dictators. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;">In conclusion, while it is necessary for Zimbabwe to extend its hand to superpowers for business our government needs to reconsider the manner in which it conducts its business with China and other global powers. From the side-lines, it seems that the scale of relations between Zimbabwe and China has been growing but improvements in the benefits being offered to Zimbabwe is less than sufficient to what is expected. It remains an empirical issue whether the relations between China and Zimbabwe have been beneficial. Conversely, the question for policymakers in Zimbabwe is that they should adopt a more circumspect approach towards especially in Zimbabwe is open for business campaign. On relations with China we should be aware of exploitative dangers associated with such arrangements, but more importantly, Zimbabwe needs to be strategic in how Chinese interest can be exploited to Zimbabwe’s advantage. The Zimbabwe-China relations present some opportunities and challenges at the same time, therefore we need a strategy that is embodied in our foreign policy so that we embrace the opportunities offered by the relationship with the Chinese but on the other hand, it should preserve and promote its interests.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 106%;"><o:p><b>Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com</b></o:p></span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-35464031077852995122018-02-12T22:39:00.000-08:002018-02-12T22:44:35.713-08:00The Mnangagwa’s Unfinished Homework: The Need for a True Public Media<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Zim's power couple</td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The media comedies of errors by the Mnangagwa’s from the events of the past weeks have been interesting in the so-called ‘new dispensation’. Since taking over the reins of the state in November last year in James Bond style, with the assistance of the military, Mnangagwa has been on a massive rebranding exercise aimed at sprucing up his dented historical image. The man has been working the clock up to rebrand his image. From his dressing and daily governance practices, Mnangagwa has been trying to show the world that he is different from Mugabe in all aspects and this seems to send confusing signals to his fores. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In contrast to Mugabe the technophobe, Mnangagwa has endeared himself quite well on social media with active Facebook and Twitter accounts in an effort to reach online audiences. The active presence of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) leader on the emerging digital public sphere is a realisation of two things: 1. The capability and potency of the social media and 2. That the state media is now unpopular and has dropped in audience and not likely to be effective in reaching the professionals and those in the diaspora. This is largely attributed to the fact that the state media had been reduced to a propaganda outlet a point observed by blogger <a href="http://takura-zhangazha.blogspot.co.za/2018/02/saving-zimbabwe-broadcasting.html">Takura Zhangazha</a> that it had failed to serve the public interest because of its inclination to the ruling party. The MISA Zimbabwe chapter called for media reforms before elections in their <a href="http://crm.misa.org/upload/web/State%20of%20the%20Media%20Report%202017-%20MISA%20Zimbabwe.pdf">2017 State of the Media report</a>. Hence Mnangagwa’s coming online should go beyond luring votes or rather a ‘moving with the times’ gesture but prod him to realise the necessity for transforming the public media from being state-controlled propaganda outlet to a truly public media that conforms to the dictates of democracy. I underline this fact because of how Mnangagwa and his supporters had to rely on social media during the height of factional politics in ZANU PF after being blocked from the various public media outlets.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A tale of two 'First Ladies'</td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">While Mnangagwa has been busy on the online outlets and equally dominating front pages and headlines of all state media outlets, his wife Auxillia has had her lion’s share of the coverage. Auxillia Mnangagwa has exhibited an unquenchable appetite for the camera and media attention since ‘taking over’ from Grace Mugabe as the First Lady. In a short space of time, she had made headlines, particularly on the state broadcaster ZBC; hopping from one hospital to another with small handouts as if that will address the myriad of challenges affecting our health delivery system. To sum it all, her antics are nothing short of a seemingly calculated but rather a clumsy Public Relations exercise to build her image as to be different from the previous first lady. In that regard, both the husband and wife seem to find it difficult to find a life of their own outside the long shadow of the Mugabes. There is really no strategy at all on how she should manoeuvre her way and act as the first lady other than to move everywhere she deems with hordes of journalists from the state media to film her while she buys tomatoes from vegetable vendors. If anything this is an abuse of the media and journalists who should be covering public interest stories rather than to be a press team for the First Family.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">As if this attention and coverage are not enough, the media-obsessed First Lady is not stopping, she has decided to have the media closer to home. A few days ago, the Emperor’s wife invited female journalists to state house ‘’to get an appreciation of the challenges they face in executing their duties,’’ as put by the Herald. We were told that ‘’the meeting was the first of its kind by the First Lady of Zimbabwe’’ true, even the attention-loving Grace Mugabe did not go to such levels, but was also notorious for trying to bribe journalists using food handouts. Presumably for favourable coverage. The Herald also reported that ‘’the First Lady promised to donate chickens to the female journalists as a way of empowering them’’ and this is quite clear that this was just another poorly crafted PR exercise with nothing aimed at improving the welfare of journalists in the country. The meeting exposed her limited knowledge as to how the media is structured and how it operates. When you invite the media to your doorstep, it wants to leave the pace with knife edge ideas rather than a promissory note on chickens. The media is a knowledge industry, whose survival rides on the strengthening of ideas from across the socio-economic and political divide. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In addition, Mrs Mnangagwa should know that the media is not part of her office and they should not seek any favours from her, the challenges affecting female media practitioners are broad and well documented and they did not even need an invitation to state house for a banquet. There are many ways in which she can champion the cause and working conditions for women in the media industry and not by donating chickens. It is clear that these antics are a poisoned chalice. She seems to be dangling a carrot to entice the female journalists to report favourably on her ‘philanthropic’ work in a bid to outdo the previous First Lady, Grace Mugabe. In the process, she has ended up exposing herself as an attention seeking and a self-entitled person just like Grace Mugabe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In conclusion, I hope the First Lady should be told that in a democracy we need a free and independent media system that not only reports about the positives of the First Family and the First Lady’s projects. The media environment in a democratic state should have equal access for all and not a preserve for a political elite. We need a transformed media system which is free and independent non-partisan and a strong journalistic profession.</span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="background: white; color: #0b5394;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Blessing Vuvuzela Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on <a href="mailto:blessingvava@gmail.com" target="_blank">blessingvava@gmail.com</a></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> and Twitter: @blevava</span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-90826438045807880132017-12-13T00:41:00.002-08:002017-12-13T00:41:51.932-08:00Rethinking the opposition and the civil society in Zimbabwe<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">By Laswet Savadye and Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The November military coup in Zimbabwe marked the end of Mugabe’s 37-year stranglehold on power, as the balance of forces shifted in the ruling ZANU PF party which was being hounded by a succession battle over the past two decades. The talk of succession was treacherous, ambition was sacred, it was taboo to express one’s ambition in ZANU PF and everyone who dared was either expelled or demoted, history is awash with many examples. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">President Mugabe’s dream was always to be the life president of ZANU PF and the country at large, but that dream did not become a reality as he was forced to exit the corridors of power by the Zimbabwe army generals in a classical coup. <table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIbVYLKCIg5Vq-50Byuxmnr39Uc1q-rZs1owcSFhPrzhUYE-lsBx9nMkVc32MUuNyNp954zpXaIUkDj8nA4la3wEXZQol37XMpAwZUvZse8zsTl4XZ2fF_Cm06OKzjxwU9weQ_z0ZZ6HE/s1600/bob.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIbVYLKCIg5Vq-50Byuxmnr39Uc1q-rZs1owcSFhPrzhUYE-lsBx9nMkVc32MUuNyNp954zpXaIUkDj8nA4la3wEXZQol37XMpAwZUvZse8zsTl4XZ2fF_Cm06OKzjxwU9weQ_z0ZZ6HE/s320/bob.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The last address by Mugabe as President. IMAGE:Joseph Nyadzawo</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">While the succession question in ZANU PF seems to have been solved the main opposition, MDC-T remains in a quandary with the succession ghost haunting the 17-year-old party, which is struggling to reform and reassert itself. For 17 years, since its inception in 1999, the party has had one leader in the mould of Morgan Tsvangirai. At its inception, the MDC’s main slogan was ‘Mugabe must go’ a popular slogan which became the hallmark of the party’s campaign message. It was a slogan premised on the fact that Mugabe had stayed too long in power a move which was against the letter and spirit of a democratic model that emphasizes that leaders should be succeeded. Morgan Tsvangirai has long been accused of being a ‘clone’ of Mugabe in the sense that he continues to hold onto his party’s presidency, suppressing ambition and above all the succession debate in the MDC. Tsvangirai’s leadership style has been characterized by allegations of stifling internal democracy, dictatorial tendencies that have resulted in the party splitting twice since its formation. Funny, the MDC and its leader accused Mugabe of staying in power for too long whereas they are guilty of the same. It’s a classic case of seeing a speck of sawdust in your brother’s eye and pay no attention to the plank in your eye? Consequently, that has left the party weaker with less fortune in the future even after the fall of Mugabe on the political scene.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As the coup was unfolding, it was abundantly clear that ZANU PF was now dealing with its succession, their agenda was clear right from Chiwenga’s November 13 press conference. In the midst of the confusion, the opposition parties in Zimbabwe were caught with their pants down. Without a clear agenda of their own, they joined the ZANU PF agenda, participating in a march that literally endorsed the illegal ouster of President Mugabe from power. The opposition leadership was clandestinely pushing for some sort of transitional government that would suspend elections next year until ‘adequate reforms’ are achieved. The endorsement of the ‘coup’ by Tsvangirai raised these eyebrows at the same time other leading opposition figures like Eddie Cross who supported the 'coup' at least temporarily. This was in itself a veiled attempt to be included at the dinner table but it was all in vain. Never mind the denials now by the MDC after Mutsvangwa let the cat out of the bag as he boldly claimed that Tsvangirai was negotiating for inclusion. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Rethinking Opposition and civil society politics<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In the wake of renewed ZANU PF, it is in our view that there is now a greater need for the opposition and civil society to rethink strategies if ever they want to remain relevant in the national body politics. It seems for now that the focus is on the 2018 elections, with the opposition and civil society mounting some ‘serious’ voter registration mobilization campaigns mostly in the towns with little of that effort being directed to the rural areas. From our snap survey in the Mashonaland Central area, voter registration is still being manipulated to frustrate ‘First Time Voters’ and the sabhuku’s (Headmen) are alleged to be recording serial numbers of those registered in their villages threatening that they will know where and whom they would have voted for. Most elderly folk in the rural areas are being told that the electronic photos taken when they register will reveal who they voted for. Some village headmen are refusing to give villagers farming inputs such as seed maize if the villagers do not reveal their voter registration serial numbers. The long disenfranchised aliens who have since been allowed to vote, provided they produce an unabridged birth certificate, will probably not be able to cast their vote as most of them are finding it hard to get the ‘long’ birth certificate. It’s costly and only issued at Makombe building in Harare. Above all, there are also some reports that soldiers who are harassing people by doing stop and search, asking people to show them their serial numbers. And in our view, such ingredients will not bring about a free and fair election.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">That is probably the reason why ZANU PF is not talking much about voter registration but rather they are expressing confidence that they will romp to victory in the coming elections. It is disconcerting, that in light of all this the opposition seems rather quiet and we wonder why they are not raising any alarms. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The opposition and the civil society have to be very much strategic and probably revisit the Peoples Charter as it lays bare the aspirations of the people. At the moment they have been reduced to reactionaries occupying the ‘radical’ space. Mass movements cannot be built or led by reactionaries who are detached from the realities on the ground. There is also a section of disgruntled Zimbabweans, especially the ‘intellectual’ class who posit the argument that Zimbabwe’s political quandary can be solved by the formation of a new political party. In this group, it contains those who are disgruntled by the ineptness of the MDC leadership or either they are disgruntled for failing to get positions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Firstly, we argue here that the only way a movement can be formed is only if it is based on people's daily struggles, not on the basis of massaging inflated egos of self-proclaimed leaders who feel that they have some sort of entitlement based on some past high school Headboy fantasies. Secondly, they need to be embedded in the actual processes of those struggles and not the other way round. Thirdly, they need to organise it as a platform of some sort coalescing around concrete issues and a clear ideological framework. Fourthly, that sort of movement would need four to five years of building it as a platform before becoming a political party. Therefore it is too late for that kind of movement to be formed in time for next year’s election. The onus is upon the opposition to revisit the people’s charter and as tools of analysis to solve the political puzzle and chatting a way forward for Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Beyond the politics of electoralism and election cycles<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As we brace for those elections which would be held with no reforms to talk about it is prudent to remind the opposition and the civil society that elections are not won by movements that campaign for elections. Winning elections is a consequence of an entirely different aspect altogether, it requires to always being with the people's struggles whether for land or education; whether for political rights or liberties; whether for jobs or for clean water; whether for housing or against state violence. In simple terms, if you are with the people they already know your manifesto for change because it's already a daily reality of their lives. So you don't 'go to the people if you have been part and parcel of their daily struggles and not on the eve of an election. You are with them already. It is the same if we look back to 1999, the working class identified with Morgan Tsvangirai and the ZCTU. The students knew ZINASU. The same with the women's movement they knew their leaders and activists so did the landless farmers and homeless. Social power and political power is manufactured in the daily grind of the struggle and it might have to be a simple struggle based on class analysis, class solidarity and class political action. Everything else is hot air including suddenly popping up with tonnes of Biometric Voter Registration blank affidavits.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><i>About the authors:<o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><i>Laswet Savadye is a former student leader, a budding academic, human rights activist, socio-economic analyst and commentator with a special focus on Africa. He can be contacted by email on <a href="mailto:laswet@gmail.com" target="_blank">laswet@gmail.com</a><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><i>Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on <a href="mailto:blessingvava@gmail.com" target="_blank">blessingvava@gmail.com</a>. Twitter: @blevava</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-89272296371787238602017-11-20T23:49:00.001-08:002017-11-28T02:30:46.131-08:00Zimbabwe’s unending wild goose chase: from the ‘people’s revolution’ to ‘Operation restore legacy’<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">By Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Zimbabwe’s 93 year old despot
Robert Mugabe’s 37 years hold on power has been checkmated and has reached its end
after the military put him on house arrest last week. In a Hollywood style of
events that left the whole world amused and confused whether to call it a coup
or not coup, something that puzzle military scholars for some time. Whatever
interpretation, the reality is that a coup was executed in Zimbabwe and we are
currently in a transition to a new dispensation and this signifies a shift in
the power dynamics, particularly in the ruling party. Already, high ranking
cabinet ministers have reportedly been detained by the military and more
arrests are expected. Unprecedented though that a majority of Zimbabweans welcomed
this ‘coup’ and have participated in huge numbers in the call for President
Mugabe to step down. No doubt Mugabe is finished, the march to state house and
the rally in Zimbabwe grounds was a decoy 'people's popular uprising' meant to
disempower regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC),
the African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN)not to censure Zimbabwe’s
military apparatchiks. Essentially, Zimbabweans were taken on a wild goose
chase by the military hawks despite warnings from Blogger Takura Zhangazha that
this was a purely ZANU PF succession affair when all this charade started.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0y96pl4W7TiMRdR0fT1hI8d-jU7lkybkoJkmums7UPYemhn4LESuMBoW3JyjQQsB_P-P6W3Et5k8yTOw2dI6I4DCwt-cWPHx5svflLXQXnakJYkyGbUtWOOgpwb7tqv2XCojCUYOj7VI/s1600/happyton-bonyongwe-constantine-chiwenga-robert-mugabe-cio-590.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="631" height="202" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0y96pl4W7TiMRdR0fT1hI8d-jU7lkybkoJkmums7UPYemhn4LESuMBoW3JyjQQsB_P-P6W3Et5k8yTOw2dI6I4DCwt-cWPHx5svflLXQXnakJYkyGbUtWOOgpwb7tqv2XCojCUYOj7VI/s320/happyton-bonyongwe-constantine-chiwenga-robert-mugabe-cio-590.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">'Coup plotter?</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Zimbabweans had suffered under
Mugabe’s 37 years iron fist rule to an extent that they had reached a point
that anything else and not Mugabe was good. One thing for sure, the calls for
Mugabe to go attracted Zimbabweans from all walks of life; from the opposition,
civil society, churches, civil service, the Zimbabwe African National Union
Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Alliance,
the National Rainbow Coalition (NRC) among many others and other sections of
society. However, there is a danger to it in the sense that whatever is
happening is not a people’s agenda, it is not a people’s revolution but a
rearranging of chairs on the ruling party’s high table. My fear is premised on the fact that, most
people just want Mugabe to go without laying on the table what we envisage for
the future of our country. This is the same dilemma that hogged the opposition
while accepting the GNU and the COPAC constitution saying ‘it’s better than a no
deal.’ Whereas it was only years to come
that they realised that the ‘better’ deal was actually nothing on the surface. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Equally, events of the past days
were largely triggered by Mugabe’s firing of his vice president Emmerson
Mnangagwa, the newly anointed ‘crown prince’ of the securocrats. The eventual dismissal of Mnangagwa from
government came after verbal attacks directed to his person and the military.
The ‘coup’ was long brewing, it was just a matter of day and time, but Grace
Mugabe became its trigger. The purges of senior leaders of ZANU PF aligned to
Mnangagwa prompted the military chiefs to step in and stop Mugabe because they
also felt threatened. They realised that
the axe was also going to fall on their necks if the succession events in the
ruling party had continued on the same trajectory; hence, they had to pre-emptively
strike. The generals have achieved their mission, they wanted the purges to
stop, they did. They wanted to stop the dynasty project. They did. They wanted
to take power from the G40, they did. They wanted Mnangagwa to be at congress,
he will be.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMnJgRtznkspGMMm04vT5n-MHtRc7Kh_iySIkPaovyPLqc9e9SwPsoVbs7ou92bPvW6sVdexym7Y2B80WIbIUKjbj7_S5PTVLTlbmtfI8HHYOEVLDI7JtOSoT-AREiSeD3Z75XANT1NYk/s1600/Mnangagwa-Constantine-Chiwenga1_crop_700x400.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="700" height="182" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMnJgRtznkspGMMm04vT5n-MHtRc7Kh_iySIkPaovyPLqc9e9SwPsoVbs7ou92bPvW6sVdexym7Y2B80WIbIUKjbj7_S5PTVLTlbmtfI8HHYOEVLDI7JtOSoT-AREiSeD3Z75XANT1NYk/s320/Mnangagwa-Constantine-Chiwenga1_crop_700x400.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The conspirators? Emmerson Mnangagwa and Gen Chiwenga</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Historically, the major
political contradictions in Zimbabwe have always been resolved by the gun. Here
I refer to five historical events that were resolved by the gun. Firstly, it was the First Chimurenga (War of
liberation) in 1896, which was a contest between the colonisers versus the
people of Zimbabwe, a war which we eventually lost resulting in the
colonisation of Zimbabwe. Secondly, the second Chimurenga which was Smith’s UDI
versus that ZANLA/ZIPRA affair. Thirdly, it was post-independence, in the 1980s
and that featured Joshua Nkomo versus Mugabe, which resulted in the massacring
of more than 20 000 people in Matabeleland during Gukurahundi. Fourthly,
the MDC versus ZANU PF in 2008, when the military factor became a crucial
element in resolving the political contradictions, thereby keeping President
Mugabe in power. The last of such events is the succession question we are
currently witnessing in ZANU PF which is now being solved by the gun. George
Charamba, Mugabe’s spokesperson for 17 years told <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/2778c5b0-cd1a-11e7-9dbb-291a884dd8c6">Financial Times</a> that Mr
Mugabe’s fate would be decided by those wielding power and not by the will of
the people. “What we see in the streets is just atmospherics,” he said. More
importantly, what we are currently witnessing is problem solving of the ZANU PF
succession, now being handled, executed and directed by the gun after Mugabe
had suppressed that debate and by default making himself life president of
Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">However, as many Zimbabweans in
and outside the country were celebrating Mugabe’s ‘demise’ which has been
instigated by the gun, they should think about the future. From a fair analysis
without attaching any emotions the coup is a ‘family (ZANU) affair’ and General
Chiwenga was unequivocal in his 13<sup>th</sup> of November 2017 statement that
it’s a military resolution of internal party contradictions. As a result it has
nothing to do with the generality of the populace, not even democracy rather a
self-correction of ZANU PF as it solves its succession. It has always been a power
tussle that dates back from Zimbabwe’s war of liberation between the
nationalists (political leadership) and the military leadership who were
playing different roles in the war. Mugabe, a civilian (who has no military
background) was supported by the military in his ascendancy to the throne in 1977. Forty years down the line, the military is
featuring again to remove Mugabe and replacing him with another trained soldier
Emmerson Mnangagwa. Secondly, the military chiefs are now an economic
class with its own distinct interests and this is a 'military class project' to
keep hands over the party-state apparatus no matter which angle you look at it.
The alleged involvement of the army elites in the Chiadzwa diamonds are a case
in point. Thirdly, the coup has exposed that Zimbabwe’s opposition has paid
heavily for being directionless and unable to build a cohesive social and
political project. The failure of the opposition even to reform or renew itself
will be their greatest downfall if ever they are going to gain space in the
wake of a rejuvenated ZANU PF.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Going forward, Zimbabwe should
retain to civilian order and allow the constitution to be respected. They must
be a clear framework, that at least should try to involve the people or rather
any transitional mechanisms should lead to reforms and ultimately a democratic
election. The people of Zimbabwe should be given a chance to choose a
government of their choice, but Alas! the events in the past few days indicate
that we will always be asked to participate in civic affairs with the nozzle of
the gun on our head in the immediate and foreseeable future. Therefore, it is
critical to create conditions for a free and fair election so that we will have
a government that is elected by the people. Free and fair elections are the
only way to have a legitimate government and retain to civilian rule. The
question again is, will the new dispensation create those conditions for a free
and fair elections? If yes, will the military accept a ZANU PF electoral defeat
given their strong vested interests in the ruling party and role in aiding ZANU
PF to remain in power even despite losing in 2008? For the pro-democratic
forces, the question is how do they build progressive political platforms that
can be seen as part of the National Democratic Revolution? How do progressive
forces mobilise to deepen a structurally deep movement which makes the
transformation national and not be subjugated and domineered by the factions in
the national liberation movement? They should continue mobilising on the ground
and be relevant in the struggles ahead. However, given the fragmentation in the
opposition and lack of cogent policies to address the socio-politico-economic
crisis ZANU PF has somehow managed to solve its complex succession question.
This means after they are finished with addressing the self-cannibalising that
was threatening to tear them apart, that machinery will be re-directed at the
opposition and civil society with much viciousness.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">President Mugabe’s speech read
on the 20<sup>th</sup> of November 2017, whilst flanked by all the security
forces was a tell-tale sign and this was confirmed by Patrick Chinamasa’s
utterances after the Central Committee meeting held on the same day that
it was a ZANU PF affair and they did not need the opposition on the dinner
table. In addition, the military apparatchiks released a statement on the 21<sup>st</sup>
of November 2017, that ‘Operation Restore Legacy’ had been successful and it
was time to go back to normal life. The question that begs to the military and
ZANU PF is: what happened to the people’s revolution? Maybe it was never about
the people but ZANU PF and its survival. The opposition, civil society and
Zimbabweans in general need to avoid being easily excitable otherwise they will
keep on being taken on a wild goose chase in Zimbabwe’s politics.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">NB: Views expressed in this
article are personal <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Blessing Vava is a research
fellow at the University of the Witwatersrand, Africa-China reporting
department. He can be contacted on <a href="mailto:blessingvava@gmail.com">blessingvava@gmail.com</a>.
Twitter: @blevava<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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blevavahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06427166630081912429noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1449329879062128801.post-84169479855346781302017-11-09T00:34:00.000-08:002017-11-15T00:05:31.389-08:00Mnangagwa’s Downfall: The Proverbial Case of Giving the ‘Kiss of Life’ to a Dying Goblin<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><i>By Blessing Vava</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Kissing the Goblin</td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The battle for the soul of ZANU PF and succession of President Mugabe had been a tumultuous game that has in the past four decades claimed the scalps of veteran nationalists. From 1976, after the toppling of Ndabaningi Sithole, the leader of ZANU, Mugabe has out manoeuvred any potential or aspiring successors to remain the soul of ZANU PF and at the same time its life leader. Those in that category include the revered Josiah Tongogara, the feared Edgar Tekere, the sharp Eddison Zvobgo, leaders who harboured ambitions of one day leading the liberation movement. In a typical fashion of a dream deferred, all the above mentioned met their demise with no success in succeeding Robert Mugabe, who has remained the leader of the party since 1976. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> Even the indomitable late Father Zimbabwe Joshua Nkomo could not take the crown neither, after leading the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) in the war of liberation he was called a traitor and at some point, arrested by Mugabe and accused of treason. The same tragedy befell erstwhile comrades, Solomon Mujuru and his wife Joice, accused of trying to topple Mugabe from power. This is the same fate that has met ‘most loyal’ comrade Emmerson Mnangagwa, who over the past four decades naively thought he was the anointed one to succeed Mugabe. For Mnangagwa, he lived with Mugabe for all these decades learning and forgetting nothing. As Grace Mugabe insinuated over the weekend that Mnangagwa claims to have known Mugabe for four decades but in reality he does not know who Mugabe is. The question is was that observation wrong? Mnangagwa became too much comfortable and failed to understand that Mugabe has one principle in politics, keep your friends and enemies closer. What befell Nkomo, Ndabaningi, Mujuru were all lessons to learn for Emmerson that Mugabe was one man not to be trusted no matter what. However, it seems Mnangagwa failed to understand the nature and character of Mugabe and his obsession with power. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Mugabe’s obsession with power: lessons to learn<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In my previous article I deliberately referred to the late Samora Machel’s warnings about Mugabe taking charge of ZANU after the toppling of Sithole. The leaders of the Frontline states had already noticed bad leadership traits in Mugabe and their scepticism about him have finally been proven decades later. This is where we are today; he has been in power since 1980. It seems Mugabe has never relented from his dream of becoming a Life President of Zimbabwe and it now almost seems on course after expelling the remaining veterans of the war in ZANU PF. President Mugabe’s continued hold on power has been aided by naive and selfish people who contributed in the creation of a Monster, and building a cult on the personality of Mugabe for selfish reasons. This is the scourge that has returned to afflict Mnangagwa. Suffice to say, Mugabe has not changed tact in his bid to be the Life President of Zimbabwe. Mujuru failed to learn, and for Mnangagwa, he should have learnt that no matter how much you play the loyalty card to Mugabe or even swallow a bullet for him, the man just doesn’t care. He is a narcissist, it’s all about himself and no one else. Mugabe is shrewd and unforgiving and believes in no other winner besides himself. He has been a master of dirty tactics, a political weapon that he always deploys to deal with perceived enemies. In describing Mugabe and his quest for power, the late <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59u9Dxd_zjQ&t=10s">Joshua Nkomo</a> once said this about Mugabe:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">I have suffered, I have worked so hard for this country before independence, during the war. I worked so hard after independence to make our independence stick and this man today calls me a traitor, me a traitor? A man who worked so hard for this country? I have never done anything wrong and Robert knows it. I tell you this is for personal power let him stand up and deny it, this is for personal power. He is frightened of my stature, he is frightened that he will not win the next elections. This is what he is doing, trying to smear me, very sly, very dirty.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Another interesting revelation on Mugabe’s crudeness is in Rugare Gumbo’s interview by the Rhodesian Herald on the 21<sup>st</sup> of February 1980: “He (Mugabe) uses people — the Presidents of the Frontline States, people like Joshua Nkomo to build himself up and then he tries to destroy them. He cares nothing for the masses or for the country. All he cares about is Mugabe. “When he joined the party he had only a dirty shirt and trousers. Now he has money — a lot of money. He is wealthy. He built a fortune on the backs and the sweat of people like us. He takes his wife all over Europe and spends thousands. This is the man who wants to make this country Marxist. He must be stopped.” Rugare Gumbo stops talking. Then in a hushed tone, he says; “Yes, I am bitter. I am also afraid — for my people and for my country. Those who vote for Mugabe will do so out of fear, and it is wrong. They must be told not to do it. Mugabe’s intimidation must be stopped. The people must be united. I will do everything to accomplish this.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Mnangagwa and resurrecting the Goblin?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Consequently, it is now a reality that Mugabe’s game has always been about power and nothing else. Interestingly, those who have been harbouring ambitions and yet worked tooth and nail to aid his consolidation of power have no one to blame apart from their selfish interests and political naivety. That is exactly why Emmerson Mnangagwa’s downfall is something the prodemocracy forces in Zimbabwe should welcome and capitalise on. I will explain later on in the article why and how I think the opposition and other forces can capitalise on Mnangagwa’s downfall. However, I would not want to delve much on Mnangagwa’s dark past and his alleged involvement as Mugabe’s hitman that is well documented. Hence, in the same breath I would like to point out that the most disgusting of him was his involvement in</span> <span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">resurrecting the goblin in 2008 (<i>kumutsa chikwambo</i> <i>change chafa)</i> and now the same goblin has claimed his scalp. This I make particular reference to the 2008 plebiscite in which the incumbent Robert Mugabe lost to Morgan Tsvangirai by 73%, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dx6ZMZPk1QM">a figure announced by Mugabe</a> while addressing chiefs in 2014, never mind the correction he made. Mnangagwa confirmed and boasted at a rally in Headlands on the 4<sup>th</sup> of having saved Mugabe in 2008, denying Morgan Tsvangirai and the people of Zimbabwe a victory. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">President vofona, ahh zvakamirasei? Ndikati ndomamiro azvakaita, Mugabe: saka todini? Mnangagwa: sokuti ndiri gweta ndaiziva kuti kune clause iya yekuti you must have 50 plus 1 percent. Ndikati ah imwi maita henyu 43%, uyu (Tsvangirai) 47 asi pakati penyu hapana awinner, saka kunoitwa runoff. Zvikanzi udza mai (Grace), ndobva ndaudza mama, zvikanzi toita sei manje ? ndikatoti hunzai baba nditaure navo, ndikati baba imi gadzirai cabinet <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">(‘</span></i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">’I called the President to tell him the results and he asked for my advice and as a lawyer I was aware of the 50 plus 1 %, therefore there is no winner since you got 43% and Tsvangirai 47% so we are heading for a runoff. Then I advised the president to organise a cabinet’’)<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> This is the same man who coordinated the military and militias to lead a violent campaign ahead of the June run off poll, killing opposition supporters and destroying their houses. It is also <a href="http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2008/04/mnangagwa-takes-charge-of-joc/">reported</a> that after the March elections, Mnangagwa took over as chairman of Joint Operations Command (JOC). And when he became aware he (Mugabe) had lost the March 29 presidential election to opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party leader Morgan Tsvangirai, Mnangagwa’s first action was to advise Mugabe not to concede defeat but that he should force a second round run-off election and that at the same time the veteran leader should put pressure on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to delay official results of the election. Therefore, Mnangagwa deserves no sympathy and surely got what he deserved. Today he should rue the day he contributed to the controversial constitutional amendment of the ZANU PF constitution to consolidated Mugabe’s one centre of power, giving the President of the party unfettered powers to appoint his deputies, positions previously elected at congress. For Mnangagwa, he is a man who stood for nothing, he lacked principle, he lacked tact and was relying on borrowed robes, but they have now been taken from him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Don’t hate Grace, she has done it for you<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">While ZANU PF is going through a seemingly self-destruction path, it is rather amusing that the opposition and other prodemocracy forces are intricately involved ‘emotionally’ that is, sadly a majority seeming to be sympathising with Mnangagwa. What they must understand is that the hatred for Grace Mugabe should not therefore translate to sympathising with Emmerson. So instead of enjoying or becoming analysts on what’s happening in ZANU PF, the opposition need to strategies and capitalise on the chaos happening in ZANU PF. Though it might seem as if ZANU is imploding, the party might actually be on the mend and in fact they are undergoing a transition to a post Mugabe era, no matter which angle we look at it ZANU PF will be a different animal altogether after their congress in December. Maybe Chirimambowa’s article, <a href="http://www.salo.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/DO1of20161.pdf">“Succession Politics in Zimbabwe: GraceMugabe and the End of Patriotic History”</a> is instructive in understand the current politics. Chirimambowa argues that the ‘Grace’ moment present opportunities for democratisation rather than chaos:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">ZANU PF-although by default and politics of convenience-is undergoing some kind of perestroika and glasnost, it presents opportunities for cross-political elite convergence on the limitation of liberation credentials based politics. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">As a result, it also means that ZANU PF is changing tactics, they have already replaced the liberation generation with through the Youth league, and the tone has already been set at the interface rallies. It is unlikely that ZANU will use violence in future elections, but patronage and intimidation as a means of wooing voters. The 226 Isuzu vehicles bought for the traditional leaders are a case in point, and about<a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/Zimbabwe/pic-mugabes-zanu-pf-ships-in-brand-new-cars-worth-millions-of-dollars-for-campaign-20170517"> 320 cars</a> and trucks for campaigns, <a href="http://www.herald.co.zw/president-to-unveil-20-000-stands-for-masvingo-youths/">free residential stands</a> being parcelled to the youth. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The MDC and the future<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">However, this calls for the opposition, in particular the MDC to seize this moment in the wake of an impending election which is almost six months away. Sadly, the leader of the party and the Alliance Mr Tsvangirai is going through difficult moments and has been in and out of hospital going through the straining chemotherapy sessions. In my own view, I think there is now a need to have a frank discussion about Tsvangirai’s health vis-à-vis the succession. Never mind what the spin doctors and those closer to him presenting brave faces that the man is recovering fast and ready to lead the coalition. They need to be honest with themselves and plan ahead. Unlike ZANU PF, the MDC’s denial game will only lead to the demise of the party, which at this critical juncture has been presented with a golden opportunity to remake itself. Tsvangirai has reached a dead ending, and no miracle or magic will even improve his fortunes if he is standing against Mugabe. The GNU did him bad, and therefore the party needs a new face. Had he handed over the baton after the 2013 defeat he would have saved the MDC and his brand as a democrat and not a cult leader like Mugabe. I argue that, he still has a chance to be different from Mugabe, this is the time for him to step down and prepare a new leader to bring in fresh ideas and a new impetus altogether. The <i>Save chete chete</i> mantra is akin to the ZANU PF cultism of <i>Gushungo chete chete</i>, being slogans that have created cults and dictators. Those singing the <i>Save</i> chete chete mantra are not genuine and sincere, but are rather doing it for selfish gains and not for the greater good of the party. It’s typical of the politics in ZANU PF where people are bootlicking Mugabe for the sake of personal benefit and not conviction. The most progressive move for Morgan to do is stepping down and paving way for an extraordinary congress that will choose a new leader for the party to lead as the elections draw closer. The issue of his health needs no emotions. The human body is not made of steel, it does go through such moments, and it is difficult when faced with a terminal ailment like colon cancer. Only yesterday while featuring on SABC Tsvangirai was at pains to convince the world that all was well. <i>Anchor: We are now joined by the president of the opposition in Zimbabwe. He is joining us from his hospital bed here in Johannesburg where he is being treated for cancer. Mr Tsvangirai thank you very much for joining us welcome. Perhaps…Tsvangirai (interjects): Thank you Peter…(coughs)I am…I am not …I am not in hospital ..eh..I’m just taking a rest outside a...a hospital…eh…I’m just taking leave outside the hospital</i>. Sadly Tsvangirai denies that he is not in hospital, but outside hospital taking a rest. Well… we all know that hospitals are not places to take a rest! Therefore in these difficult moments it does require a sober approach and accept reality. Though some might call it stigmatisation I still posit that a frail looking Tsvangirai will not do the MDC any good during the campaign period, he needs to rest and allow others to carry on the fight. The election period is a rigorous process, which will require a lot of travelling, meetings, rallies in my view will prove difficult for the MDC leader to encounter. Tsvangirai will forever be a hero of our time for having led the struggle against tyrannical rule by Robert Mugabe but this is now the time to pass on to a new generation of leadership.<o:p></o:p></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 18.6667px;">Even Moses had to pass on the baton to Joshua, he never entered Canaan!!</span></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Blessing Vava is a blogger based in Chipinge. He can be contacted on blessingvava@gmail.com<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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